Power, Politics and International Events: Socio-cultural Analyses of Festivals and Spectacles

Power, Politics and International Events

Although the event management field has grown considerably over the last decade, critical, social-scientific studies of the international events industry are rare. This book intends to help fill this void. It focuses on power, social and political relations, conflicts and controversies in the context of international events, popular festivals and famous spectacles. It draws on recent primary research and offers a diverse range of new and intriguing case studies, for example the Arirang Festival in North Korea, the Gay Games, the Gymnaestrada, horse-racing events, the London 2012 Olympics, regional and rural festivals, the World Baseball Classic, World Fairs/Expos and U2 concerts. The main aim of this volume is to bring the critical, social-scientific analysis of events, festivals and spectacles more into the core of the teaching of events management degree programmes. The book draws extensively upon the disciplines of politics, sociology, cultural studies and history. In the process, it addresses key themes such as:      

political economy politics of popular culture the global and the local regionalism and globalization nations and nationalism international relations and foreign policy.

This ground breaking collection of essays is unique and innovative. It will be an essential source for students, researchers and academics with a keen interest in critical, social-scientific analyses of events. Udo Merkel is a Senior Lecturer in the School of Sport and Service Management at the University of Brighton. He is part of the Events Management team and has a keen interest in the social-scientific study of the international events industry. In addition to researching and teaching sociological and political aspects of international sports events, he has published widely in the areas of comparative European studies and football cultures. He is currently preparing a book on the role of international events and festivals as a foreign policy and diplomatic tool.

Routledge Advances in Event Research Series Edited by Warwick Frost and Jennifer Laing School of Management, La Trobe University, Australia

Events, Society and Sustainability Edited by Tomas Pernecky and Michael Luck Exploring the Social Impacts of Events Edited by Greg Richards, Maria DeBito and Linda Wilks Commemorative Events Warwick Frost and Jennifer Laing Power, Politics and International Events Socio-cultural analyses of festivals and spectacles Edited by Udo Merkel Forthcoming: Event Audiences and Expectations Jo McKellar Event Portfolio Planning and Management A holistic approach Vassilios Ziakas Fashion, Design and Events Kim Williams, Warwick Frost and Jennifer Laing Conferences and Conventions A research perspective Judith Mair

Power, Politics and International Events Socio-cultural analyses of festivals and spectacles

Edited by Udo Merkel

First published 2014 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2014 Udo Merkel for selection and editorial matter, individual contributors their contributions The right of the editors to be identified as the author of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Power, politics and international events: socio-cultural analyses of festivals and spectacles / edited by Udo Merkel. pages cm. – (Routledge advances in events research) 1. Special events–Social aspects. 2. Recreation–Social aspects. 3. Popular culture–Social aspects. 4. Special events–Social aspects–Case studies. 5. Recreation–Social aspects–Case studies. 6. Popular culture–Social aspects–Case studies. I. Merkel, Udo. GT3405.P68 2013 394.2–dc23 2013005379 ISBN: 978-0-415-62446-6 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-203-10459-0 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd. Pondicherry, India

For Rossy, my soulmate, artistic, creative and vibrant; and Daisy, my most favourite 13-year-old in the world.

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Contents

Notes on contributors Acknowledgements

ix xiii

PART I

Introduction 1 The critical, social-scientific study of international events: power, politics and conflicts

1

3

UDO MERKEL

PART II

Historical and developmental case studies 2 Regional events and festivals in Europe: revitalizing traditions and modernizing identities

31

33

LOUISA DEVISMES

3 The historical roots of the Gymnaestrada: national gymnastics festivals in nineteenth-century Europe

53

ANGELA WICHMANN

4 World Expos and global power relations

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JAYNE LUSCOMBE

5 A short, selective history of the Gay Games: conflicts, clashes and controversies

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NIGEL JARVIS

PART III

Contemporary case studies and ethnographies 6 Global events and local conflicts: who owns the streets of London? ADAM JONES AND JANET WOOLLEY

103 105

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Contents

7 A day at the races: critical reflections of an insider

126

STEVEN GOSS-TURNER

8 Arts, acrobatics and athleticism in North Korea: power, politics and propaganda

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UDO MERKEL

9 The World Baseball Classic: the production and politics of a new global sports spectacle

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THOMAS F. CARTER

10 Politics as spectacle: U2’s 360° tour (2009–11)

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MICHAEL WILLIAMS

Index

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Contributors

Thomas F. Carter obtained his doctorate from the University of New Mexico (2000). He currently teaches the politics and economics of sport at the University of Brighton’s School of Sport and Service Management. He has conducted ethnographic research in Havana since 1995 on the interstices of sport and identity in Cuba. His award-winning ethnography on Cuban baseball, The Quality of Home Runs (Duke University Press), as well as his book on the experiences of transnational migrant sports professionals, In Foreign Fields (Pluto Press), addresses various contemporary contexts of Cuban sport. His research continues to focus on the experiential embodied politics of identity and mobility within global sport. Louisa Devismes studied Life Sciences at the University of Leicester before embarking upon a career within the agricultural industries. Having undertaken a number of roles within both the private and public sector she moved, in 2004, to FACE (Farming and Countryside Education), the leading national charity whose work aims to reconnect young people with, and develop their understanding of, the natural environment. During her return to study International Event Management with the University of Brighton, she developed and combined an academic and professional interest in the social factors that have influenced the development of the rural environment alongside an increasingly global and urbanized population. Since completion of this period of study, she has developed research interests surrounding the significance of festivals in this respect, as well as becoming an Associate Lecturer with the University of Brighton. Steven Goss-Turner studied Management and Organizational Behaviour at the Universities of Strathclyde and Portsmouth. He completed his PhD at the University of Brighton on the topic of organizational culture and its impact on relationships between management and staff within the workplace. Before an academic career began in 1991, he worked within the international hotel and leisure industry, predominantly in human resource management positions. His research and publication outputs reflect his keen interest in workplace culture, managerial power and behaviour, especially

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Contributors within international, multi-site service organizations. He is the author and coauthor of six books in the area of people management, including a ninth edition of Human Resource Management in the Hospitality Industry (Routledge). He has been Deputy Head of School within the University of Brighton’s School of Sport and Service Management since 2000.

Nigel Jarvis completed his PhD in 2006 at the University of Brighton. His thesis examined the meaning of sport in the lives of Canadian and British men. The research critically aids understanding of how the lived experiences of gay men taking part in sport relate to and inform relevant hegemonic and queer theoretical debates. He undertook his MA in Leisure Management at the University of Sheffield (1996) and his BAA in Geography at Ryerson University in Toronto (1986). He worked for six years as a consultant specializing in tourism, recreation and cultural master plans in Toronto before lecturing at Brighton from 1996. Nigel has a keen interest in gender and sexuality issues in leisure, tourism and events. Further research and teaching interests relate to sport tourism, sport and event sponsorship, the economic, socio-cultural and environmental impacts of tourism, leisure management and research methods. Adam Jones attained a Management degree from the University of Surrey and an MA in Marketing Management. He is a Senior Lecturer of Business Strategy and Marketing within the School of Sport and Service Management at the University of Brighton. He has a wealth of knowledge of the travel and tourism industry gained from working both in the field and at a senior strategic level within a FTSE 250 company. He has experience of the events industry through working at various venues, which include Henley Regatta and Festival, the Royal Albert Hall and the Paris Airshow at Le Bourget. Adam’s research interests include the role of marketing in travel decisions, the attitude behaviour gap with specific reference to travel choices and the role of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in promoting socially and environmentally responsible leisure travel. Jayne Luscombe obtained an undergraduate degree in Economics from the University of Sussex and an MA in International Event Management from the University of Brighton. Prior to joining the University of Brighton as a Senior Lecturer in 2006, she worked in multi-national blue-chip organizations for 15 years. She specialized in the meetings, conference and exhibition sector but was also involved in graduate recruitment and development. This professional experience enabled her to develop an appreciation of the complexities of global business environments and different cultural perspectives within the business world. Since joining the University of Brighton, she has developed the undergraduate provision in international events and now contributes to the teaching programme at both undergraduate and postgraduate levels. Her research interests include World Expos, globalization and international relations.

Contributors

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Udo Merkel studied Social Sciences and Sport Sciences at the University of Cologne and the German Sport University respectively. His MA in the Sociology of Sport is from the University of Leicester and his PhD from the University of Oldenburg. Before joining the University of Brighton in 1994, he contributed to the establishment of a new Research Centre for Comparative European Sport and Leisure Studies at the German Sport University in Cologne. Over the last decade he has spent extended periods of time in South East Asia and South America working for several universities. After a short spell at Roehampton University in 2007, he rejoined the University of Brighton in 2008 lecturing at the School of Sport and Service Management. His research interests are in the sociology and politics of international sports events, comparative studies and football cultures. Angela Wichmann holds a degree in International Cultural and Business Studies from the University of Passau, Germany, and an MA in Tourism Management from the University of Brighton, UK in cooperation with ANGELL Business School, Freiburg, Germany. In addition to teaching tourism and hospitality management, sales and marketing at the University of Cooperative Education IBA in Munich, she has worked in various positions in hospitality, tourism and the sports event industry in Germany, France, Norway and Sweden. In 2010, she started her PhD at the University of Brighton. Her research investigates the meaning gymnasts attach to sports event tourism in the context of the 2011 World Gymnaestrada in Lausanne, Switzerland. Michael Williams has extensive experience in the events industry. Before joining the University of Brighton as a Senior Lecturer in International Event Management, he was responsible for managing the festival programme at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, London. He has previously worked as Events Manager for the Harrogate International Festival and the Wiltshire Festival. After graduating in Events Management, Michael continued his interest in arts and cultural events, presenting papers at the Third International Event Management Research Conference at the University of Technology in Sydney and the fourth Global Events Congress in Leeds. His research interests are in the socio-cultural and political impacts of events. Alongside his teaching role, Michael is currently undertaking research for his PhD, focusing on rock music events as spectacle. Janet Woolley obtained an MA in Tourism Management. She is a Senior Lecturer in International Travel Management at the University of Brighton’s School of Sport and Service Management. Prior to this, she spent many years working for a major international airline in a range of operational and managerial roles. She was directly involved in the setting up of a successful customer service unit at London Heathrow and has extensive experience in the operations of large international airlines. Janet

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Contributors lectures at all levels of the travel and tourism degree programmes, with particular reference to transportation, aviation and business travel. Her research focuses on the European aviation industry, with a keen interest in E-commerce, the development of customer enabling programmes, and consumer acceptance of technology innovation in relation to the online activities of customers and airlines.

Acknowledgements

As with all academic books, this collection could not have been written without the help, support and advice of other people. I would therefore like to thank the University of Brighton for generously funding a two-day conference/workshop for all contributors. This meeting allowed us to discuss individual papers in great detail in order to produce a coherent and focused collection of independent examples. Thanks also to all contributors who always responded promptly and with good humour to my petty quibbles. I also like to express my appreciation to Merz Hoare and Adam Roberts whose administrative and proofreading skills, respectively, have made the production of this publication as smooth as possible. My thanks also go to those who commissioned and assisted in the production of this book at Routledge, particularly Emma Travis, Philippa Mullins, Emily Davies and the anonymous reviewers who helped considerably to refine the shape of this book.

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Part I

Introduction

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1

The critical, social-scientific study of international events Power, politics and conflicts Udo Merkel

The central themes of this volume are the interrelated and interconnected issues of power and politics in the context of planned international events, festivals and spectacles. They are of local, regional, national and global significance (Roche 2000) and have, over the last few decades, become highly prized commodities, important forums for the articulation of politics and a vehicle for the exercise of power. ‘A lot is known how they can be organized more efficiently and effectively, how they can be marketed, how they can be managed safely and how appropriate venues can be selected for their delivery’ (Foley et al. 2012: 1). Much less is known about the politics of international events that are complex, diverse and multi-layered, ranging from both participants and non-participants seeking to utilize events for their own benefits, through the interplay and intrigues of the various stakeholders, to multinational corporations and governments putting pressure on the organizers. Glamourous and attractive international events, in particular, those with extensive media coverage, offer individuals, groups, institutions and organizations a high-profile stage to communicate their political messages, express their dissent and serve frequently as platforms for national and political rivalries. ‘Festivals provide important occasions for the exhibition of political power in particular demonstrated by the practice of the spectacle’ (Picard and Robinson 2006: 13). This happens both, overtly, in front of cameras as well as, covertly, behind the scenes. Such a thematic and conceptual focus inevitably requires paying attention to power relations, conflicts and controversies. It also demands a conceptual and analytical approach that draws extensively on the social sciences, in particular the theories and methods of sociology, politics and cultural studies. Politics, in the context of this book, is not only concerned with the practice of managing and administering states or political units, the development of governmental policies and the mechanisms that a government employs to influence the content and implementation of its goals. Although that understanding of politics is widespread, it offers a very limited perspective. Politics, more generally, refers to the processes by which groups of people make decisions. Although politics is often seen as the behaviour of, and located, within civil governments, it is an integral and dynamic part of all human group

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interactions and social relationships. The term is most frequently used in two contexts: the resolution of human conflicts, and the sources and exercise of power. Consequently, politics is about social relations and decision-making processes that involve power and authority. Harold Lasswell, an American political scientist, offered a very useful understanding of politics. He suggested that it is all about those political processes that determine who gets what, when and how (Lasswell 1936). Although one might immediately conclude that Lasswell’s focus is on the distribution and allocation of resources, his definition goes beyond that. He equates political behaviour, essentially, with power behaviour that is not at all confined to specific governmental decisions but part of any social situation. Power is not only exercised when a national parliament decides to fully support and finance a large-scale event but also when parents do not allow their children to attend that event. Therefore, politics is not only about ‘what politicians do’ but encompasses more broadly those processes that are characterized by the exercise of power, in particular control and constraint. Power, in its broadest sense, is about the ability to realize intentions and to produce the outcome one sets out to achieve. In the context of human relations, power is often understood as the ability to make somebody do something which they would have otherwise not done (Dahl 1957: 202). That kind of an understanding goes back to one of the most influential British philosophers of the twentieth century, Bertrand Russell. His profound and convincing definition of power as the ability to produce intended outcomes (Russell 1938) was later modified in order to stress the intentional element and to exclude manifestations of power that happen accidentally. Wrong, therefore, suggests to conceive power as ‘the capacity of some persons to produce intended and foreseen effects on others’ (1995: 2). Russell’s definition allows for all kinds of power to be included. Most relevant for this volume are the notions of collective and distributive power. While the former refers to the ability of a group to achieve their common goals, the latter focuses on the issue of who has power over whom and what. Therefore, any analysis of the distribution of power needs to acknowledge inequalities among individuals and groups, and the resulting systems of social stratification. Although the study of politics and power relations owes much to the groundbreaking sociological work of Karl Marx, this volume is not limited to the analysis of class relations and the unequal distribution of economic power. Marx saw power relationships being built upon the economic arrangements of a society that led to the domination of one class over another, with the shape of domination and exploitation taking different forms in different socio-historical eras. For Marx, political power and economic power go hand in hand, which enables the dominant economic class to rule the subordinate social groups, to protect their wealth and maintain their dominant position in society. Considering political and economic power as symbiotic has become highly problematic as it ignores the complexity of contemporary power relations.

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Indeed, Russell’s definition of power acknowledges that there are various types and sources of power without offering a hierarchical system that identifies some powers as more important (or more powerful) than others. For Russell, no one form of power is more fundamental or influential than any other: The fundamental concept in social science is Power in the sense in which Energy is the fundamental concept in physics. Like energy, power has many forms, such as wealth, armaments, influence on opinion. No one of these can be regarded as subordinate to any other, and there is no form from which the others are derivable. (Russell 1938: 10) Russell’s understanding of this core concept even provides for the possibility that different forms of power may collude, establish hybrid forms and develop a multi-dimensional axis, depending on different locations and periods of time. Research into power, power relations and conflicts tends to address one or more of the following four issues and indicators: first, who rules or governs? Who occupies influential institutional positions and is centrally involved in decision-making processes? Second, who gains or benefits from the unequal distribution of power, with particular reference, for example, to wealth, life chances, health and educational opportunities? Third, who tends to win arguments and conflicts over power? Fourth, who is widely considered to be powerful, who has a reputation of being powerful and who is labelled as a power broker? This book deals with all of these four indicators, although the last one is the least prominent. Equally important to these four sets of questions, which have in common that they focus on the distribution of power, is, of course, the issue of the sources of power. ‘Michael Mann’s fourfold classification of the sources of power that, in shorthand, he refers to as the IEMP – ideological, economic, military and political’ (Sugden and Tomlinson 2002: 6) offers a valuable starting point. This quartet of categories refers to the existence of ‘overlapping and intersecting sociospatial networks of power’ (Mann 1986: 1) that operate within and through institutional structures. They also draw our attention to the role and impact of social classes, states and governments, ideological and military organizations. According to Mann, these four networks provide the most effective organizational bases for generating and exercising power. It is noteworthy that one source of power can generate and turn into another form of power, for example, economic success can lead to political influence. These four variations of power are not monolithic and separate but often overlapping. They also vary in size and impact at different times and in different settings in history. Therefore, any investigation into political and power relations requires not only a detailed understanding of the distribution and sources of power but also a thorough knowledge of the social context in which these power relations exist.

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Although at first sight these four categories of power – ideological, economic, military and political – appear to be abstract concepts with little relevance for the social-scientific and critical study of international events, it does not take long to discover that there are actually a large number of events that focus on, celebrate and publicly display distinctive sets of ideas, wealth, the armed forces and political power. Royal celebrations, such as coronations, jubilees, birthdays, weddings and funerals, are not only concerned with the achievements or important days of individual members of the royal family but also ideological events as they support and advocate monarchism as a belief system. Although publicly displaying one’s wealth has generally become more subtle, there remain a number of events that are exclusively for the rich and famous, such as the Vienna Opera Ball, movie and theatre premieres and participating in a polo tournament. All these occasions have in common that they offer an opportunity to conspicuously and uninhibitedly display one’s economic power. Military parades have a long tradition and celebrate military power and prowess. They have become less popular since the end of the Cold War but some countries still hold them to mark important historical days, such as, the National Day in China (1 October) and Victory Day in Russia (9 May) that, annually, marks the USSR’s military defeat of Nazi Germany in 1945. The demonstration of political power in the context of international events is complex and multi-faceted but in many cases also blatantly obvious. Cuba’s May Day celebrations in Havana are highly organized annual shows of support for the political regime that are frequently attended by up to one million people. In Europe, May Day marches are usually organized by the trade unions to show their political gravitas. International Workers’ Day, as the 1 May is officially known, was intended to be a celebration and appreciation of working class people worldwide. One of the reasons why the public celebration of military power and economic wealth has steadily declined over the last decades is related to the increasing significance of soft power. According to Joseph Nye, who introduced this term in the late 1980s, the concept of soft power describes the ability of a country to attract and persuade rather than coerce or use force. While hard power is based on and utilizes economic and military might, soft power arises from a country’s attractiveness, reputation and popularity of its culture, norms and values, political ideals, and policies. Nye suggests that ‘seduction is always more effective than coercion, and many values like democracy, human rights, and individual opportunities are deeply seductive’ (Nye 2004: x). In addition to these assets that tend to generate attraction, favourable public opinion, credibility and even legitimacy, the successful hosting of and participation in glamorous international events provide another high-profile resource of soft power. Extravagant shows, such as the Olympic opening ceremonies and royal parades, offer unique and high-profile opportunities to showcase a country’s wealth of soft power. Although soft power can be exercised by states, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and international institutions, it is most frequently states that try to

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strengthen its soft power. The 2008 Beijing Olympics and the 2010 Shanghai Expo clearly showed that China is taking this task very seriously. These events also celebrated the country’s main assets: its rich civilization, cultural heritage, desire for global harmony and its status as an athletic powerhouse. For 2013, China has planned to consolidate and expand its soft power capabilities through the establishment of an organization, the China Public Diplomacy Association (CPDA) whose goal it is to promote, plan, coordinate and manage the country’s soft power assets. The widespread political protests surrounding the Beijing Games in 2008 have also shown that the use of soft power as a foreign policy tool inevitably creates potent sites of opposition. Therefore, any serious research focusing on the sources and dynamics of power must also address the issue of resistance. For two reasons, these two terms, power and resistance, should not be treated as dichotomous. First, they are in a symbiotic relationship: ‘where there is power, there is resistance’ (Foucault 1981: 95); second, any challenge to existing power structures constitutes a form of power itself. Holding or occupying a position of power is hardly ever complete and inevitably causes resistance. Again, there are numerous international events that emerged as an expression of and offer a platform for resistance. The origins of both Gay Pride parades in various countries and London’s Notting Hill Carnival are closely linked to protest and resistance. Whilst the former emerged in response to homophobia, discrimination and violence towards lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LBGT) people, the latter was a form of cultural resistance, emerged in the late 1950s and was a result of the problematic and tense state of ethnic relations in Britain. The history of the Notting Hill Carnival is the story ‘of how a marginalised community built, protected and promoted what is now the largest street party in Western Europe, using the radical cultural politics of the Caribbean to confront Britain’s racist political culture’ (Young 2002: 25). The issue of resistance is also one of the key insights of Antonio Gramsci, who views and conceptualizes the idea of power as ‘hegemony’ and argues that the latter is constituted in the realm of ideas and knowledge. Gramsci’s work (1971) has considerable influence on academic and political debates about the role of civil society that the Italian philosopher considers to be an important public platform for political struggles, the contestation over norms and values and the articulation of new ideas and visions. Whilst political society governs through force and coercion, civil society rules through consensus. It is the latter in which hegemony is achieved when subordinate groups generally accept the fundamental and central structures, patterns, practices and relationships of a particular social arrangement as natural, normal and inevitable. However, as hegemony is rarely complete, the dominant group(s) always face(s) potential demands and challenges from ‘below’. In order to sustain their positions of power they employ a variety of political, social and cultural institutions and strategies to maintain consent. Although this process of negotiating consent often leads to economic, political or cultural economic concessions, which appear genuinely to accommodate the

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demands of the subordinate groups, the outcome does only very rarely change the fundamental structures of an existing social system. Hegemony is essentially a synthesis of moral, political and intellectual leadership by one powerful group that has successfully influenced and gained the consent of all other social groups. International events, festivals and spectacles are deeply involved in these processes and provide high-profile, public environments, in which dominant ideas, social structures and the unequal distribution of power are both consolidated and challenged. One might be tempted to refer to the famous Edinburgh Fringe Festival in this context. It was established in 1948, one year after the juried Edinburgh International Festival whose progamme was dominated by ‘high culture’, in particular theatre, classical music, opera, ballet, art exhibitions and talks. In comparison, the Fringe does not have a selection committee and anybody who can raise the funds to pay for a venue is welcome to participate. This versatile and colourful arts festival offers various genres a public stage, such as music, theatre, comedy, dance and physical theatre, and children’s shows. It also showcases experimental works that might not be welcome at more conservative cultural festivals. There is also little doubt that events themselves are very powerful as they can produce long-term impacts that range from economic benefits (and problems) to the transformation of collective identities. The power of the Olympic Games was clearly demonstrated in 2008 when the pre-event concerns about China’s human rights record, press freedom, the country’s tense relationship with Tibet and environmental issues were replaced by an enthusiastic media discourse that praised Beijing for its spectacular architecture, high-tech facilities, smooth organization, efficient delivery, rich culture, prosperous modernity and generous hospitality. Most commentators agreed that China’s international standing had significantly improved as a result of hosting this mega event, despite a few calls to boycott the spectacle and the disastrous torch relay that was accompanied by political protests and demonstrations across the world. This brief example already illustrates that political conflicts, power struggles, ideological clashes, controversies and resistance in the context of international events are very complex and involve a wide variety of different social groups, local and international organizations, national and global movements, governmental and non-governmental institutions, and various other stakeholders. The following five examples will demonstrate this complexity of the relationship between power, politics and international events in more detail. They touch on questions of governance, political conflicts, protest and dialogue, and the appropriation, consolidation and contestation of power and control. So far, these issues have been utterly neglected in the emerging academic field of Events Management. At the centre of such degree programmes is usually the acquisition of vocationally relevant academic knowledge and practical skills, drawing extensively on business and management studies. Hall argues that such a curriculum is ‘geared strongly towards the interest of event associations, organizations and the event market. This has meant that the

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understanding of politics and political economy, or even recognition of their broader significance, is cursory at best’ (Hall 2012: 190). This collection of essays intends to fill this void and will bring the social-scientific study of events, festivals and spectacles more into the core of the teaching of Events Management degree programmes.

Contested mega events in 2012: from Bahrain to Baku, and Lviv to London Prior to the 2012 Grand Prix in Bahrain, a number of human rights groups had urged the Formula 1 teams to boycott the race because of the volatile political situation in the country. Under similar circumstances, in March 2011, the race was cancelled amid the escalating violence surrounding the anti-government protests. However, that decision was in response to the symptoms, rather than the problem itself. The 12 teams that make up the high-tech Formula 1 circus appeared to be more concerned about simple logistics, insurance cover of their equipment worth millions of pounds, broadcasting commitments and personal safety than the moral, political and human rights issues (Williams 2011: 11). Eventually, ‘the move to pull the race was made by the crown prince of Bahrain himself and it was conveyed to Bernie Ecclestone, the commercial rights holder’ (Weaver 2011). One year later, the imprisonment of anti-government protesters and the continued demands for major political reforms in the troubled Gulf state led, again, to calls for the race to be cancelled. Furthermore, activists urged the BBC and Sky, who share the broadcasting rights in the UK, not to air the race, if it went ahead (Davis 2012: 15). However, the event took place and received extensive television coverage. For many commentators, this was another triumph of commercial interests over the moral imperatives of the modern world, in general, and human rights, in particular. Hosting such an event with a global audience indirectly but inevitably endorses a government that does not hesitate to detain and mistreat its people merely for protesting. The Eurovision Song Contest in Azerbaijan’s capital, Baku, was accompanied by a similar debate. According to Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, the country’s human rights record offers plenty of scope for further improvement. There is widespread evidence that participants of peaceful demonstrations and local journalists are frequently beaten up, arrested and thrown into jail. The Azeri government guaranteed the owners of this event, the European Broadcasting Union, that foreign media representatives would be secure and not subject to any form of censorship (Lawson 2012: 32; McVeigh 2012: 14). However, the visas issued to foreign journalists only allowed them to enter the country for the actual event. Permitting such a short stay was intended to prevent them from writing about critical issues, for example corruption, nepotism, questionable business deals and suppression. This promise raised an inevitable question: what does such a guarantee tell us about press freedom and the treatment of journalists for the rest of the time?

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Hosting this contest is a crucial element of Azerbaijan’s wider strategy to promote Baku as an internationally renowned capital of culture. The Eurovision Song Contest usually reaches a television audience of more than 120 million in around 40 countries. Consequently, the host city went through a thorough ‘beautification’ process, with blocks of flats being demolished and their tenants forcibly evicted, with little or no compensation. Part of this aesthetic renewal of Azerbaijan’s capital was the 2012 ‘Baku Public Art Festival’. For about five months, every Friday, a new piece of contemporary art by local Azeri artists was unveiled in different parts of the city (Groves 2012: 18). After decades of constant barrage of Soviet propaganda, the public display of homegrown art was intended to promote Azeri culture nationally and globally, and to help shape the country’s own, distinct identity. Despite boycott calls from campaigners in several European countries, including France, Ireland and the Netherlands, only Armenia, one of Azerbaijan’s immediate neighbours, withdrew from the Eurovision spectacle because of its deteriorating relations with Baku. At the beginning of June 2012, a large number of extravagant and lavish events celebrated Queen Elizabeth II’s 60 years on the British throne. These included gun salutes, a relay of 4,200 beacons across the world, a river pageant with a 1,000-strong flotilla on the Thames, a jubilee pop concert outside Buckingham Palace and tens of thousands of community lunch gatherings all over the UK and in 70 other, mainly Commonwealth, countries. The dominant public discourse suggests that the interest, involvement and participation of millions of people in these celebrations and the worldwide media coverage provided plenty of evidence of the national and international respect and affection for Queen Elizabeth II. Critical voices, however, argued that this extravaganza was a carefully planned marketing campaign for British patriotism, the British Prime Minister’s vague vision of a Big Society and an outdated political system that embraces a hereditary monarchy and, thus, categorically rejects the principle of equality (Gold 2012: 14). About one thousand people joined one of the largest anti-monarchy rallies in modern times waving placards and banners saying ‘Democracy – Not Monarchy’, ‘Citizen – Not Subject!’ and ‘Power to the People’, and calling for the abolition of the monarchy. Even a senior member of the British Labour Party described the jubilee celebrations as ‘a show of opulence by state elites’ after revelations that ‘a group of long-term unemployed jobseekers were bussed into London to work as unpaid stewards during the diamond jubilee celebrations and told to sleep under London Bridge before working on the river pageant’ (Malik 2012: 10). In the same week, Ed Miliband, the leader of the Labour Party, gave a carefully timed speech at the site of the 1951 Festival of Britain, focusing on the complexity of national identity in the UK (Watt 2012: 13) and explicitly referring to the Queen’s jubilee celebrations and the forthcoming Euro 2012 football competition. Miliband’s thoughts on both Scottishness and Englishness must certainly be considered against the context of a referendum on Scotland’s future in the UK in 2014.

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A few days later, the 14th European Football Championships, also known as Euro 2012, co-hosted by Poland and Ukraine, commenced. This tournament was the first major international sports event that was held in former communist Eastern Europe since the 1980 Moscow Olympics in the Soviet Union. For Poland and Ukraine, it was the first time that these countries put on a major sports spectacle. In both countries, this event provided a catalyst for the building of much-needed sport, transport and tourist infrastructure and offered both countries opportunities to attract both local and foreign investors. The two hosts also hoped that this event would boost their respective economies, in particular through increased tourism. However, as on previous occasions, commercially, UEFA (the Union of European Football Associations) was the real winner due to enormous profits made from the sale of broadcasting and commercial rights, tickets and hospitality packages – all the exclusive responsibility of the European governing body of this popular sport. The host countries also expected a lasting positive impact from the world media presenting their respective people and cultures, cities and countryside, politics and society in a positive light. This is particularly important for Ukraine, whose reputation has been battered and bruised due to a number of incidents over the last few years, in particular the ‘Gas War’ with Russia, in January 2009, which left many European consumers in the cold for nearly two weeks. Compounding the strain on the country’s reputation is the seven-year jail sentence given to Yulia Tymoshenko, who co-led the Orange Revolution (2004–05) and was Prime Minister of Ukraine in 2005 and again from 2007 to 2010. In October 2011, she was found guilty of abuse of office when negotiating the 2009 gas deal with Russia (Harding 2012: 13; Harding and Traynor 2012: 35). However, politicians in Europe and the United States have criticized the sentence as politically motivated as Yulia Tymoshenko proved to be a formidable leader of the opposition, frequently challenging Viktor Yanukovych, the Ukrainian president. In the run-up to Euro 2012, Ukraine suffered another serious setback of its image and reputation management efforts when Yulia Tymoshenko went on hunger strike. European leaders publicly expressed their concern regarding her apparent mistreatment. After unsuccessful, secret diplomatic negotiations, a large number of high-profile European politicians threatened to boycott the football tournament. Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, led this initiative, demanding an improvement of the human rights situation under President Viktor Yanukovych. This political controversy was not only a diplomatic fiasco for Ukraine but a major embarrassment for UEFA, who had high expectations that expanding the tournament eastwards would showcase the progress made by independent Ukraine since the collapse of communism in the early 1990s. In addition, Ukraine is keen to join the European Union. The country hopes that EU membership will provide opportunities for trade and investment, possibilities for travel and work for Ukrainian citizens, and

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financial assistance to modernize its ageing, inefficient and sometimes unsafe energy infrastructure. The Ukrainian government also envisaged that Euro 2012 would help to develop closer ties with other European countries and establish personal relations with their visiting heads of state. Instead, Viktor Yanukovych sat in the VIP box on his own, with European leaders avoiding him and his attempts to strengthen his country’s soft power in tatters. Both Poland and Ukraine had to deal with another controversy that affected ordinary football fans and prevented some from following their teams in this tournament. Both countries have a history of football hooliganism, in particular racist and anti-Semitic chanting, and violent attacks on members of minority groups (Harding 2012: 33). In the light of this, the website of the British Foreign Office explicitly warned football fans ‘of Asian or Afro-Caribbean descent and individuals belonging to religious minorities’ to take extra care when travelling to Poland and Ukraine. The involvement of the Foreign Office provides further evidence that such highprofile, international events are political in nature. This is particularly true for global sports competitions and largely due to the extensive international media coverage. The Summer Olympic Games in London in the summer of 2012 were no exception. The British capital became the first city to host this global sports spectacle three times, having previously staged the Olympics in 1908 and 1948. In the run-up, this festival of competitive physical culture was overshadowed by numerous public debates, political controversies and power struggles. Several environmental pressure groups and human rights organizations had joined forces to campaign against some of the sponsors of the London Olympics and to expose their ‘unethical’ and environmentally unfriendly activities. The two most prominent amongst these were BP and Dow Chemical Company (Boycoff 2012: 26). The energy giant BP was London 2012’s official ‘oil and gas partner’, the main sponsor of the Cultural Olympiad and one of six ‘sustainability partners’. BP was responsible for the Deepwater Horizon disaster that caused a large oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico in 2010, killed 11 people, devastated marine life and hundreds of miles of coastline, and caused extensive damage to the local fishing and tourism industries. It is widely considered to be the largest marine oil spill in the history of the industry. Dow Chemicals owns the Union Carbide Corporation, which was embroiled in controversy following the Bhopal disaster in India. In 1984, a leak released lethal gas into the town of Bhopal. Cautious estimates suggest that in the immediate aftermath of this environmental catastrophy, more than 3,000 people died, with another 50,000 requiring medical treatment. Furthermore, the Bhopal disaster site was never cleaned up thoroughly and highly toxic chemicals are now found in the drinking water of over 30,000 people who live in poverty. In addition to being one of the most generous sponsors of the IOC, Dow Chemicals agreed to provide a decorative wrap,

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worth about £7 million, for the Olympic Stadium. Both the government and National Olympic Committee of India were outraged and considered boycotting the event. The coalition of environmental and human rights groups argued that these companies taint the Olympic spirit and accused them of exploiting the Games to ‘greenwash’ their unethical corporate activities. The wider political issue, however, is the ‘clash between Olympic-style environmentalism and the corporate commercialism of the Games’ (Boycoff 2012: 26). It is the inevitable outcome of the collision course between exaggerated commercial interests and sustainability. Although sustainability became the third pillar of Olympism (in addition to sport and culture) in 1999, it still appears to be a fluffy buzzword without deeper meaning to the Olympic elites. Equally controversial were the sponsorship arrangements of the fast-food giant McDonald’s. The top-tier IOC sponsor secured the exclusive rights to sell its branded food in the Olympic village. There were also three McDonald’s outlets in the Olympic Park and one adjacent to the park. The latter employed 470 staff to serve around 50,000 Big Macs, 100,000 portions of fries and 30,000 milkshakes during the Games in a huge 3,000-square-metre restaurant with 1,500 seats over two floors. While the London Olympics were intended to promote a healthy and active lifestyle, McDonald’s Big Macs, chicken nuggets, fries and milkshakes are synonymous with obesity and unhealthy life styles. Health campaigners repeatedly pointed out that McDonald’s prominent presence was undermining one of the Games’ main legacies to improve the British nation’s physical wellbeing. In the wake of the enduring criticism over its involvement and privileges as an Olympics sponsor, the American fast-food giant launched a large-scale promotional campaign that, it claimed, would make children healthier. Key elements of this marketing strategy were activity toys, given out with ‘Happy Meals’, and the distribution of vouchers for free sports sessions. The controversies, conflicts and contentious issues surrounding these five international events reveal (at least) two epistemological points, four common, political characteristics and offer some useful guidance on how to categorize and organize the wide variety of power and political issues associated with the hosting of large-scale, international events. All of these require more detailed attention as they constitute the conceptual parameters of this book that, in its broadest sense, is concerned with issues related to the political economy of culture: Undoubtedly, a political economy approach is significant for understanding how events are embedded in broad processes of economic development, the decision-making processes that accompany event bids and hosting, governance and regulatory processes, and the uneven distribution of the costs and benefits of events. (Hall 2012: 189)

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Epistemological issues: recognizing the socio-historical and ideological context of international events From an epistemological and methodological perspective, both the sociohistorical context and ideological anchorage of international events need to be taken into account in order to develop a comprehensive, critical and socioscientific understanding. First, international events, festivals and spectacles do not exist in a vacuum. They are important and integral elements of the wider fabric of modern societies. On one hand, they frequently mirror the human conditions, tangible and intangible environments and current state of affairs of those who host them. On the other, international events have the potential to challenge the socio-economic, cultural and political status quo and to initiate change. All this can only be fully appreciated against a very detailed grasp of those circumstances that facilitate international events. So, in order to fully understand the meaning, significance and impact of an international event, one has to recognize the socio-historical, cultural, political and economic context. Of particular importance are the hosts and their relations with other social groups, communities and nations. Furthermore, the interests and agendas of those organizations that own the name or brand of an international event need to be interrogated. It simply does not make sense to analyse an event without a comprehensive understanding of this kind of background, as one would only be able to see and examine the tip of the iceberg whilst the more massive chunk would remain invisible. Second, most modern international events are ideological as they are embedded in and promote a distinctive set of ideas and beliefs. The general parameters and distinctive shape, format and essence of an international event are underpinned, framed and determined by the dominant ideologies of the most powerful and influential stakeholders (Arnaud and Riordan 1998). For that reason, art exhibitions in Paris, Phnom Penh and Pyongyang, and fashion shows in Berlin, Baghdad and Beijing might look very similar but have hardly anything in common as they reflect distinctively different sets of norms, values, attitudes, moral views, and political and aesthetic priorities. Karl Marx is usually credited with introducing the term ideology as a sociological concept to explore the relationship between the realm of ideas and those of economics and politics: The simplest definition is probably given by a translation of the German word Weltanschauung, which … would render ‘ideology’ as ‘world view’, the overall perception one has of what the world, especially the social world, consists of and how it works. (Robertson 1993: 232) For Marx, the term and concept of ideology refers to the production and formation of ideas, conceptions and consciousness that human beings imagine, articulate and perceive. Ideologies are part of the superstructure of a

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society. They are made up of the dominant and ruling ideas of that society, usually legitimating power structures and material conditions and relationships (Larrain 1986: 35–66). International competitions, for example film festivals, song contests and sports events, celebrate and perpetuate fundamental principles of capitalism, such as competitiveness, individualism, the achievement principle, the natural and inevitable existence of hierarchies, and the importance of discipline, determination and hard work for success. Karl Mannheim, who frequently challenged Marx’s understanding of ideology, argued that it was more helpful to view all belief systems as ideologies that represent the interests of specific groups (Larrain 1986: 100–21). In the context of this volume, Mannheim’s analytical and more flexible notion of ideology appears to be more appropriate as it recognizes the contested nature of and competition between different ideologies that many international events are involved in. Hosting and participating in international events is often motivated by the desire to exercise ideological power, to disseminate specific sets of ideas and beliefs and to spread the norms and values of dominant groups.

International events as a platform for national and international politics The above-mentioned five international events also reveal four political characteristics that they share with many other high-profile events. First, there is little doubt that the hosting of (and also the participation in) modern international events is often motivated by and linked to a specific set of political objectives, that is, the positive impacts the hosts hope to achieve through staging the events, festivals and spectacles. The involvement of states, governments and politicians is hardly ever motivated by a genuine interest in the event, the performance, the exhibition or the competition, or driven by a hedonistic rationale. Instead, their interest in and support for such events is linked to a long list of politically desirable outcomes. These can be organized in two broad categories: a domestic and an international agenda. With reference to the domestic political agenda attached to the hosting of and participation in international events, the latter are expected to promote nation-building processes, system maintenance, social cohesion, income generation, social, educational and cultural policies, and offer short-lived diversion and distraction. The provision of international events, policies and funding priorities by governments vary across the world, although there are four recurring rationales that explain the keen interest and involvement of governments in high-profile events. These are the striving for international recognition, fostering of a positive image, the creation of propaganda and public relations opportunities, and engagment in foreign policy and/or diplomatic activities. However, these governmental intentions are often contested and reflect political differences and power struggles among groups within a society and tensions with other states. ‘While the extent of long-term change

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attributed to mega-events remains open to debate, it is widely acknowledged that events on the scale of the Summer Olympic Games can transform entire nations and act as a catalyst for change’ (Foley et al. 2012: 3). Second, motivated by international political concerns, governments often view an event as a propaganda and public relations opportunity that aims to improve the international recognition, soft power and prestige of the hosts. In January 2011, Pakistan’s capital, Islamabad, hosted its first-ever fashion show. Instead of bomb blasts, Taliban, natural disasters and poverty, this event was meant to showcase the bright side of Pakistan, ‘which is modern, secular and upwardly progressive’ (Querishi 2011: 25). Holding such an event was expected to make a change to the normally negative political news about the country. However, the local Islamic clergy was up in arms over this display of more open-minded, liberal, Western attitudes. Events are also frequently used as a foreign policy tool. After Barack Obama was elected American president in 2008, cultural exchanges between Cuba and the US became much easier. In early 2010, Wynton Marsalis, a well-known American jazz musician, took his orchestra to Cuba. At the end of that year, the Cuban pianist Chucho Valdés played in New York and the American Ballet Theatre performed in the Karl Marx Theatre in Havana. All these events are part of a wider political strategy that uses cultural diplomacy between the old Cold War enemies to improve relations. The US administration has some experience of this method of foreign policy: in 1956, the Boston Symphony Orchestra visited the Soviet Union and, in 1973, Philadelphia’s Orchestra travelled to China. More recently, in 2008, the New York Philharmonic played at the East Pyongyang Grand Theater in North Korea’s capital. The first-ever concert of the New York Philharmonic, which was broadcast on the country’s state television, was the climax of a two-day visit that also included master classes and a rehearsal open to music students. This complex and multi-layered relationship between international events and foreign policy is most clearly reflected in the twentieth-century history of the Olympic Games. The IOC awarded the 1936 Games to Berlin before Adolf Hitler came to power. The politicians of the Weimar Republic had hoped to celebrate the emergence of a democratic German state and its readmittance to the European community of nations after its isolation in the aftermath of World War I. Instead, the Nazis used the Games to celebrate the ongoing destruction of that system, to improve their international reputation and to demonstrate their claims of racial superiority. The Nazi Games are a prime example for the politicization of sports events and the blatant use of such occasions as a propagandist tool, in this case by Hitler and his brutal regime (Merkel 2000). For them, the Olympics provided a symbolically important resource to demonstrate publicly the supremacy of the Aryan race (Mandell, 1971: 65–95). Although the four gold medals of the black American athlete Jesse Owens questioned the Nazi ideology of racial superiority, most contemporary (popular as well as academic) commentators consider the 1936 Olympics as ‘one of the great public relations coups of all

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time’ (Coe et al. 1992: 127). Houlihan highlights that ‘Hitler and the Nazi Olympics showed just how pliable sport was during the Berlin Games where almost every aspect of the Games was manipulated to enhance the prestige of the Third Reich and National Socialism’ (1994: 11). The history of the post-World War II Olympics is a long one of sporting embargos that commenced in the 1950s and reached a climax during the ‘Big Freeze’ in the Cold War. The 1956 Melbourne Olympics were boycotted by the Netherlands, Spain and Switzerland because of the repression of the Hungarian uprising by the Warsaw Pact. Cambodia, Egypt, Iraq and Lebanon refused to compete in reaction to the Suez Crisis. Twenty years later, the apartheid system in South Africa became the focus of international political attention with the 1976 Olympic Games suffering from a massive boycott of African states after New Zealand’s rugby team had toured South Africa and severely undermined the Gleneagles agreement of the former Commonwealth countries. Third, as already touched upon, boycotts and embargoes as a form of political protest and resistance have, historically, proved popular. Threatening non-participation and urging others, for example performers, athletes, teams, fans and visitors, to refuse to take part was a particularly favoured foreign policy tool between 1945 and 1991. However, in the past, this usually affected athletes and teams but rarely top-level politicians. The 1980 Olympic Games in Moscow were most notable for the largest boycott of an Olympics in history. For Jimmy Carter, the American president, not sending a US team to Moscow was a central part of a package of actions to protest against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979. Carter also engaged in extensive arm-twisting to gain support from American allies and other nations. The first Games to be held in a communist country opened in July with only 80 nations competing and were dominated by the USSR and East Germany, whilst more than 60 teams stayed away. Among US allies, France, Italy, Sweden and the UK attended; some countries did not officially send teams but took no action against athletes who participated in the Games. At the opening and closing ceremonies, 16 countries marched behind the Olympic banner instead of their respective national flags and the Olympic anthem replaced their national anthem at medal ceremonies (Hill 1996: 118–37). Four years later, Los Angeles hosted the Olympic Games. The Soviet Union and 14 of her political allies boycotted the event, citing grave concerns over the safety of their athletes in what they perceived to be an anticommunist environment. They also accused the American hosts of using the Games for political purposes and stirring up anti-Soviet propaganda. It was widely regarded as a retaliatory move for the 1980 boycott. Despite the absence of the Eastern bloc, the Los Angeles Games boasted 140 nations, more than at any previous Olympics. There is little doubt that the 1980 and the 1984 boycotts were an integral part of the Cold War that robbed an entire generation of top-level athletes on both sides of the Iron Curtain of their greatest competition on the world’s grandest sporting stage.

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Fourth, international events can also act as a general barometer of the host’s international standing and political reputation, and often reveal other countries’ perceptions, anxieties and concerns. In 2006, Germany hosted the Soccer World Cup, which turned out to be one of the best ever – a view expressed by participating teams, travelling fans, sport officials, journalists as well as high-profile politicians, including Kofi Annan and Tony Blair (Harding 2006: 24). This overwhelmingly positive and generally enthusiastic feedback from around the world was multi-dimensional. The event confirmed that the Germans could not only throw a decent party but also that the Germans could be fun-loving hedonists. Over one month, the country engaged in its biggest and most enjoyable party since the Berlin Wall fell in 1989. Germany presented itself as a confident, creative and multicultural host, a place where visiting fans were not segregated but encouraged to mix. Fans without tickets were not treated suspiciously but were given a warm reception and invited to watch matches on giant screens that had been put up in almost every city and town centre. ‘Germany 2006 was the most “fan”-oriented event in the tournament’s 76-year history’ (Frew and McGillivray 2008: 187). Germans appeared to have forgotten the country’s economic problems, at least for a short period, as the World Cup transformed Germany’s own internal mood. Germany’s often uninspired, dull and calculating football victories of the past had been a methodical reflection of the country’s self-image and desperate attempts to not put a foot wrong (Merkel 1994: 101). The new, more attractive and somewhat successful playing style clearly reflected wider changes, in particular the discovery of a healthy, confident and nonthreatening patriotism (Biermann 2006: 7). Millions of Germans publicly embraced the national flag and attached it to windows, balconies, cars, bicycles and prams. Germany wigs were as popular as flags painted on young people’s faces. In the past, this spontaneous wave of national feeling and patriotism would have caused a media-orchestrated public outcry of indignation and anger abroad, reminding the Germans of their sinister Nazi past. On this occasion, British, Dutch and even Israeli media accounts were surprisingly positive, respectful and, at times, even commendatory (Harding 2006: 8).

Organizing and categorizing conflicts: levels and layers of contestation The five short case studies at the beginning of this introductory chapter were selected on the basis of their political diversity, geographical spread and contemporary relevance. They also bring to light different layers of contestation. Conflicts and power struggles occur at, and focus on, three levels: the core, that is, the contents or essence of an event; the context, comprising the surrounding socio-economic and political circumstances; and, in between these two layers, the actual conditions of participating in and/or watching an event, for example rules and regulations.

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The Diamond Jubilee celebrations of Queen Elizabeth II’s reign are a prime example of a controversy and political debate that questions the core of an international event. In this case, it is clearly concerned with the continuing existence of the monarchy in the UK. Other examples of political conflicts and controversies that affect the essence of an event include bullfighting in Spain, for example in Catalonia, and beauty pageants, such as the Miss World competition. The latter has been fiercely criticized for perpetuating the beauty myth and undermining the global striving for gender equality. When this event returned to London in 2011 to celebrate its 60th anniversary, it was met with loud protests. Demonstrators had gathered at Earl’s Court and publicly challenged the appropriateness and timeliness of such an event at the beginning of the second millennium. Other protesters targeted Milan’s Fashion Week in February 2012. They campaigned against the use of anorexic models in fashion shows across the world despite increasing social and political pressures to end this practice. Their handmade posters (‘Fashion = Fascism’) and slogans written across their bodies (‘Models, do not go to brothels’) caused a serious stir outside Versace’s show that featured its 2012– 13 autumn–winter collection. The female activists were members of Femen, an internationally known feminist organization that is based in Kiev, Ukraine, and has been fighting for women’s rights since 2008. Bull fighting has been contested in Spain for several years and was eventually banned in Catalonia in 2011. The main argument against this 600-year-old institution is that it causes needless suffering of animals in the name of entertainment and constitutes a mindless barbarity. However: critics of the ban blamed the hand of Catalan nationalism. Deputies in the local parliament, they said, had voted it through purely because bullfighting was emblematic of Spain and they wanted to differentiate Catalonia from the rest of the country. (Tremlett and Campi 2011: 34) The second level that repeatedly attracts criticism and causes political debates comprises the actual conditions of an event. This includes the specific arrangements and parameters of an event and the codified guidelines, which contain rules, regulations, statutes, principles and procedures and range from timings to dress code. The latter has become increasingly contested, as the following two examples demonstrate. In June 2012, widespread protests greeted an exhibition match that was played by women in skimpy outfits from the US Lingerie Football League in Sydney. Players in this league are contractually required to wear bras and knickers (plus compulsory helmet and shoulder padding). This relatively young US league now has 20 regular season games that are broadcast on MTV2. It is planned to launch similar events in Australia, Canada and Europe. That development has, of course, been accompanied by valid accusations of gross sexism, arguing that the setup of an event, which relies heavily on the pornographic images of

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underdressed women, promotes voyeurism and violence, rates women’s sexuality higher than athleticism, offers inadequate role models for female athletes and, more generally, exacerbates the negative impacts of the hyper-sexualization of women and girls in popular culture. In sharp contrast, ‘Iran’s dream of competing in the London 2012 Olympic women’s football tournament has been crushed by an unexpected ruling that their Islamic dress broke Fifa rules’ (The Guardian, 6 June 2011). Moments before an important qualifying match against Jordan, the team was notified that they were not allowed to play as their kit included a headscarf. Iran’s women footballers usually play in full tracksuits and head coverings that conceal their hair in order to meet the strict requirements of the Islamic dress code. Protests of the Iranian Soccer Association had no impact. However, after fierce criticism by the UN, FIFA agreed in March 2012 preliminarily to allow Muslim women to wear headscarfs in international matches. In July, the International Football Association Board (IFAB) decided to end its ban on headscarves, a decision swiftly applauded by several Arab states. The socio-economic and political context of an event constitutes the third level. Concerns about a country’s problematic human rights record have been mentioned three times in the five short case studies, that is, in the context of the Formula 1 visit to Bahrain, the European Song Contest in Baku and Euro 2012 in Poland and Ukraine. The 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing were also accompanied by discussions of the host’s political suitability to accommodate such a mega event. The focuses of these debates were on several issues: China’s presence in Tibet, the country’s commitment to improving human rights and democratic structures, freedom of speech and press freedom. Although there were several calls to boycott the 2008 Summer Olympics, these did not materialize. Instead, the Olympic torch relay became the target of political activists all over the world. In many cities, both peaceful and violent protesters greeted the relay. Four years later, the torch relay was stripped of its international credentials and reduced to a national showcase in order to reduce the risk of similar protests, in this case against Britain’s contemporary involvement in several contested military conflicts. Furthermore, the sources and driving forces of resistance can be geographically located in local, regional, national and international environments. This is often reflected in their main concerns. While, for example, local and regional groups tend to focus on transport, housing, the redirecting of local budgets and the environment, international organizations often take a broader perspective and concentrate on wider issues, such as human rights, democratic development and the rule of law. Of course, there are often considerable overlaps between these different levels. Finally, although international events are particularly popular with national governments in their pursuit of various policy objectives, there are a number of other agencies who have a keen interest in exploiting the political potential that international events offer. The examples at the beginning of this chapter show that non-governmental organizations, a variety of social, ethnic

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and environmental groups, local and international organizations, and national and global movements also utilize international events as a political tool, in particular to raise public awareness of a contested political issue. Furthermore, the media not only report but contribute considerably to the emergence of a controversy. At the end of June 2012, a major event in the British social calendar took place in the small Berkshire town of Ascot, which is only a few miles from the Royal Family’s Windsor Castle residence. Ascot is well known for its racecourse, thoroughbred horses and the frequent visits by members of the Royal Family. The controversy that ensued in 2012, one that was largely driven by the national media, focused on the politics of the body, that is, whether women with tattoos should be allowed in the Royal Enclosure, the most prestigious of three designated areas for selected, prominent and illustrious spectators. The concern was that the public display of tattoos did not conform to the notion of salubrious British style and elegance, which is promoted and reinforced through a strict dress code. These rules do not allow women to show bare midriffs and shoulders, stipulate the length and style of their dress, and make hat-wearing compulsory. However, Ascot does not have a policy on tattoos, which some race-goers argued represented a decline in sartorial standards at this event. Although the above-mentioned examples are contemporary and topical, political controversies and power conflicts in the context of international events have a long history. After all, the notion of ‘bread and circuses’, which summarizes the practice of providing free wheat to poor Romans and putting on costly circus games and other forms of entertainment as a means of gaining political power through popularity while distracting from the common hardship and political reality, goes back to the popular gladiatorial fights of the Roman Empire. In the first half of the twentieth century, the symbiotic relationship between power struggles and political conflicts was even more pronounced and explicit. Working-class and bourgeois interests and ideas about the nature of public events often clashed and were irreconcilable. They openly revealed unresolved social conflicts and contradictions. The opening ceremony for the new football and athletics stadium ‘Red Earth’ in Dortmund, Germany, shows this convincingly as it experienced two inaugural celebrations, one on 6 June and the other on 13 June 1926. As the bourgeois and the proletarian sport organizations were unable to agree on the format of the opening ceremony, they decided to hold two. Whilst the local media did not show any interest in the first occasion, the working-class baptism of ‘Red Earth’ was widely reported and appreciated in the regional newspapers, in particular the colourful procession of 6,000 participants through Dortmund and the staging of a living chess game, in which the white figures represented the French aristocracy and the black figures the workers and farmers of the French Revolution (Merkel 2002: 158). The latter won. Similar political considerations led the Soviet Union to develop its own, distinctively different festival culture in the 1930s. Under Stalin’s leadership (1922–53), several thoroughly rehearsed and scripted mass events offering a conceptual and

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practical alternative to the ‘bourgeois’ multi-sports events of the Olympic movement emerged, for example, the theatrically orchestrated Physical Culture Days. They included elaborate parades through Moscow’s Red Square, ‘mass gymnastic displays, bizarre and idiosyncratic floats, and omnipresent portraits of Stalin’ (Edelmann 1993: 43) and the Spartakiades, which were ‘to be distinguished from the Olympics by the inclusion of military events, folk dances and noncompetitive pageants’, although ‘the core of the program … was the same as that of the Olympics’ (Edelmann 1993: 43). These alternative events eventually disappeared from the face of the earth, with the sole exception of North Korea where they, most recently, experienced a second blossoming (Watts 2002: 22).

About this volume: cases, contents and conflicts The contemporary examples and general observations above have offered a taste of this book. It contains a collection of detailed and critical essays that illuminate how the dynamic, multi-layered and complex nature of power, political relationships and conflicts in international events can be researched, interpreted and theorized. All contributors to this book share this scholarly interest and pursue it through a distinctive style of research that addresses a similar set of questions: what does power mean in different events contexts? Who has it and who does not? What kind of power relations and conflicts do we find in the international events industry? Most importantly: what are the consequences and implications of exercising power, contesting, resisting and negotiating it in different event and festival settings? We seek to understand, analyse and evaluate power relations through an informed critical focus, a commitment to empirical research that is dominated by qualitative methods, and its interpretation framed by a range of theoretical perspectives. A similar set of questions was addressed in John Sugden and Alan Tomlinson’s book Power Games (2002), with the intention to develop a critical sociology of sport. For us, there is little doubt that the notion of power is not only a core concept in the social sciences but should also feature more prominently in academic debates about festivals and events as it would make decisionmaking processes more transparent and, ultimately, the events industry more democratic. This volume contains nine detailed case studies that examine a range of events, festivals and spectacles focusing, either directly or indirectly, on power relations and conflicts within the international events industry. These chapters do not offer only a single perspective on the analysis of power relations and conflicts but clearly demonstrate the multi-dimensionality of exercising and resisting power in the context of various events. In order to capture that degree of complexity, all authors employ multi-disciplinary and inter-disciplinary approaches to the critical examination of power relations. While the analytical focus differs in each chapter, all address theoretical, methodological and critical questions. They offer critical and challenging

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analyses aimed at stimulating a neglected debate about the politics of international events in the wider field of events management. The second part of this book is entitled ‘Historical and developmental case studies’ and offers four memorable examples. They reveal how festivals and events are used to mediate and promote social change through the provision of colourful, participatory superstructures that consolidate, challenge and negotiate the origins, compositions and futures of distinctive social groups, regions, nations and empires. Louisa Devismes analyses the development and significance of regional events and festivals in Europe, with particular reference to the contributions they make to the revitalization of traditions and the modernization of identities (Chapter 2). She argues that the resurgence in regional festivals (and regional identity) must be considered in the wider context of a boom of European regionalism(s) and regionalist projects since the late 1980s. As a conduit for the articulation of identity and an expression of the relationship between people and place, the increasing significance of regional festivals may be interpreted as a response to the processes of globalization. As such, regional festivals play a central role in enhancing regional consciousness, despite the diverse interpretation of the term regional identity and the inherently unstable nature of its celebration. However, there is little doubt that the construction and articulation of regional identity narratives is contested. As a process through which place is endowed with a variety of meanings and is continually reshaped by ongoing social interconnections with the wider world, the process of festival production exposes the vulnerability of regional identity to historical, socio-economic and political forces. She concludes that the authenticity of a region’s identity and the purpose for which it is articulated may be brought into question since regions have become more conscious of the link between the strengthening of regional identity, and the revitalization of social capital and of the local economy. In Chapter 3, Angela Wichmann offers a detailed historical account of the origins and roots of the Gymnaestrada, a global, non-competitive gymnastics festival. She explores the development, political significance and contested nature of regional and national gymnastics festivals in nineteenth-century Europe that are the ancestors of the Gymnaestrada. Against the context of frequent wars and political struggles, regional and national gymnastics festivals developed, amongst others, in Germany, Sweden, Switzerland and the former Czechoslovakia. These events combined mass participation in gymnastics with social, cultural and political activities. They had clearly identifiable nationalist agendas that went far beyond physical fitness and recreation, challenged the existing political order and were often used to promote, spread and increase a sense of regional and/or national belonging. Wichmann’s analysis contains a number of comparative observations as she identifies and explains commonalities and differences. The chapter argues that national gymnastics festivals were important historical cornerstones in the development of distinctive national identities in a number of countries. Her historical account offers valuable insights into the origins of a largely under-researched

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international event, the World Gymnaestrada, which most recently, in July 2011, attracted 20,000 gymnasts from 55 countries to Lausanne, Switzerland, to celebrate a week of high-calibre, non-competitive gymnastics. Jayne Luscombe’s contribution to this book (Chapter 4) concentrates on World Expos as a reflection of, and forum for, the articulation of global power relations. She argues that our understanding of World Expos remains rather limited as most research projects focus on individual case studies, such as the Great Exhibition or the Festival of Britain, or offer a thematic analysis covering a relatively short period of history. There are currently no studies with a macro perspective that investigate the socio-historical evolution of this event and try to identify broader trends and developments. Luscombe addresses this gap in the literature and provides a critical, historical overview of this event since its inception to the most recent Expo in Shanghai. By examining changing global power relationships embodied within the World Expos, she suggests that there are three distinctive eras. These are characterized and shaped by the epoch of imperialism, followed by the Americanization of this event, and, more recently, by a depolarization. All three periods reflect broader societal changes synonymous with processes of globalization and a changing world order. In Chapter 5, Nigel Jarvis follows the development of the Gay Games, paying particular attention to the political conflicts, clashes and controversies that have accompanied the transformation of this lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) festival. The first Gay Games, in 1982, in San Francisco were organized by the Federation of Gay Games (FGG) and attracted 1,350 people from 12 countries. Almost three decades later, 10,000 athletes representing 70 countries participated in 2010 in Cologne, Germany. There is little doubt that the considerable growth of gay sporting cultures and events over the past few decades signifies progress for sexual minorities in the arena of physical activity. However, this development has witnessed a number of serious conflicts, with which this chapter deals. It focuses on selected social, cultural and political tensions and debates, such as the clash between sport and culture, the impact of commercial interests, the tension between hedonism and political protest, the ‘queering’ of the event and the most recent split (2011) that resulted in the hosting of two events with very similar formats and rationales. Jarvis argues that although the Gay Games represent a radical break from traditional and conservative conceptions of the role of sport in society, this event does not constitute a major challenge to sport as an institution. After all, the Gay Games take place in insular, that is ‘ghettoized’, spaces and are very similar to mainstream sport events. Furthermore, the actual gay sports liberation is partial and conditional as it is the result of separation rather than integration. The third section of this book, ‘Contemporary case studies and ethnographies’, examines five contemporary cases and addresses highly topical power issues. All five chapters must be considered against the wider context of the ongoing globalization process as they deal not only with the tense global–local

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nexus but with the substantive and contested issues of identity, sovereignty and future directions. While a few of the following case studies show how some events and festivals are used to preserve and reproduce normative social systems, others utilize the powerful forces of globalization to question the established world order, pursue economic interests and promote specific political causes. The sixth chapter, by Adam Jones and Janet Woolley, deals with the impact of the 2012 Summer Olympics on the local road network and the restricted geographical mobility of London’s business community. Their question ‘who owns the streets of London?’ is provocative but simultaneously raises a serious and genuine concern for small- and medium-sized businesses in London. They argue that hosting mega events in city centre locations is keenly challenging and imposes enormous demands on the local transportation infrastructure. It also causes a number of economic and political conflicts caused by the restricted access to the existing road network. After the poor transport infrastructure at the Atlanta Olympics in 1996, the IOC stipulated the implementation of an Olympic Road Network (ORN) as a requirement for future Olympic host cities. Members of the International Olympic Committee (IOC), athletes, coaches, officials, the media and sponsors have the exclusive right to use the ORN, with the general public banned from these roads. As the ORN accounted for 30 per cent of the British capital’s traffic, Londoners were asked to change their travel patterns and alter their business operations to ensure the roads continued to function despite the severe restrictions caused by the ORN. This chapter focuses on the consequences of the ORN on local businesses. It is part of a wider investigation into the impact of London’s public and private travel management on the host community in the summer of 2012. The primary research for this chapter took place prior to the Olympic Games as its intention was to assess perceptions of and planning for the proposed changes to London’s transport infrastructure. In Chapter 7, Steven Goss-Turner offers the reader a guided tour of a horse racing event. His commentary combines detailed insider knowledge with the critical edge of a participant observer and offers not only rich descriptions but also insightful, evaluative explanations. He argues that as a sporting event and significant spectating opportunity, horseracing provides an exciting combination of activities and experiences that offer racegoers a day-long mixture of entertainment, excitement and sociability. There is the visual beauty of thoroughbred horses competing at great speed, hospitality in abundance, the screams of a large crowd willing on their chosen animals and the chance of making (or losing) money through the agency of gambling. However, despite the glossy public appearance, the need to attract new spectators and the unique socio-cultural arrangements of the racecourse with its rituals, etiquette and distinctive patterns of behaviour means that this sporting event is highly contested. It is riven with conflict between various stakeholders, operates an explicit system of class separation and features frequently in media headlines. Goss-Turner’s ethnographic account concludes that power and political issues, such as class and stakeholder conflicts, changing ownership structures, the

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spatial arrangements of the racecourse and the sub-cultural style of racegoers are just some of the major paradoxes and dilemmas within the sport (event) of horse-racing. Furthermore, he suggests that the most recent public debate about the use of the whip by jockeys demonstrates that even this rather conservative sports environment is no longer able to ignore demands for social, political and cultural change. My own chapter (8) on the politics of arts, acrobatics and athleticism in North Korea focuses on ‘The Grand Mass Gymnastics and Artistic Performance Arirang’ in one of the most secluded countries in the world. I argue that this physical extravaganza is a unique and grandiose ideological event. It offers an outdated but fascinating and very different alternative to the global sports events culture. The sheer magnitude of the North Korean Arirang Festival, with almost 100,000 performers, is, experientially, overwhelming, and the design and choreography are an impressive visual feast. The political significance of this spectacle goes far beyond pure entertainment, propaganda and international recognition, and reveals a multi-layered rationale. I show that this event pursues both a domestic and foreign policy agenda. It is meant to educate both performers and spectators, reinforcing a number of highpriority political goals and policies that are at the heart of North Korean society and culture. Of particular significance are the principles of collectivism, the Juche philosophy, the Songun policy and the religious cult of the Kim dynasty. The grand scale of thousands of young people working in complete unison, as though a single body, reflects most clearly the Juche and collectivist philosophies that form the fundamentals of North Korean society. Above all is the issue of national division and reunification as more than six decades after the end of World War II, South and North Korea still face each other across the highly fortified Demilitarized Zone. In both Korean states, reunification is a high-priority political goal and an essential element of the political and public discourses. Celebrating Korean unity with the help of sport and physical culture keeps the issue of reunification in the public discourse without having to engage in serious political negotiations. In Chapter 9, Thomas F. Carter investigates the production and politics of the World Baseball Classic (WBC), the newest global sports spectacle. First held in 2006, this unusual event takes place simultaneously in four different countries before culminating in a final contest in the United States. He is particularly interested in the political contexts and power conflicts. Carter argues that the uniqueness of this particular sport spectacle derives from the fact that it is not organized and run by an international sport federation (ISF) or an international non-governmental organization (INGO), such as the International Olympic Committee (IOC); instead, it is sanctioned, produced and managed by a transnational corporation, Major League Baseball International, Inc. The circumstances of the WBC’s conception, its initial production, and the international politics between its owner/organizer and various governments raise a series of fundamental questions regarding, for example, the sovereignty of states, the power of transnational corporations,

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and the principles and ethos behind the production of global sports events. Carter shows that the conflicts in the production of this international tournament were caused by competing worldviews regarding the value and ethos of baseball, inter-corporate struggles and governmental controls over citizenship and mobility. This chapter considers the ebb and flow of power relations within global sport, with particular reference to the negotiations between these various agents. The focus is on the apparent conflict of interests over, and contested nature of, the participation of a ‘Cuban national team’ in the WBC. It charts and analyses the perspectives and positions of the American administration, the Cuban government, the International Olympic Committee and the creators of the WBC itself, Major League Baseball International, Inc. The complex political relationship between the US and Cuba makes this a fascinating case study that clearly reveals the close, in some cases symbiotic, relationship between international sport events and foreign policy. In the last chapter, Michael Williams explores the relationship between politics and the spectacle in the context of the band U2’s global 360° tour that took place between 2009 and 2011. U2 are widely considered one of the most innovative and creative pioneers of live rock music as spectacle. Williams is particularly interested in the complex relationship between music, politics and audiences, seeking to develop a better understanding of the structure and agency dynamics in the creation of rock music events as spectacles. He suggests that U2’s live music performances reveal a dynamic relationship and interaction between band and spectators in the creation of a spectacle. On one hand, U2 appear to exploit intentionally the spectacle to engage their global audiences in the socio-political causes they communicate through their shows. On the other, spectators appear to fulfill engaging and active roles in the creation of the spectacle. His central argument is that events such as U2’s 360° tour as a spectacle provide more than commercial entertainment and passive consumer experiences. They also generate emancipatory opportunities for both performers and spectators to challenge existing power structures, albeit prescribed by the band. Taken together, the individual chapters in this volume offer testimony to the diverse ways in which the analysis and critical evaluation of power issues, power relations and conflicts in the context of international events, festivals and spectacles can be approached. They also demonstrate the versatility of the social sciences for such a research agenda, which goes far beyond managerialist concerns and focuses on a core issue and social-scientific concept. This collection reveals both the complexity of power relations and the magnitude of conflicts and tensions. Furthermore, the various case studies clearly demonstrate that it is not only the Olympic Games and the Soccer World Cups that are accompanied by power struggles and controversies. In fact, they can be found in almost every event setting and should, therefore, feature more prominently on the research agenda of those with a keen academic interest in events, festivals and spectacles.

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Bibliography Arnaud, P. and Riordan, J. (1998) Sport and International Politics: The Impact of Fascism and Communism on Sport, London: E & F Spon. Biermann, C. (2006) ‘Trains running late and football with flair – we’ll do anything to fit in’, The Guardian, 25 June, 31. Boycoff, J. (2012) ‘Has London 2012 been greenwashed?’, The Guardian, 22 April, 26. Coe, S., Teasdale, D. and Wickham, D. (1992) More than a Game: Sport in Our Time, London: BBC Books. Dahl, R.A. (1957) ‘The concept of power’, Behavioral Science, 2: 202–10. Davis, C. (2012) ‘Bahrain activists call on BBC and Sky to boycott Formula One race’, The Guardian, 11 April, 15. Edelmann, R. (1993) Serious Fun: A History of Spectator Sports in the U.S.S.R., Oxford: Oxford University Press. Foley, M., McGillivray, D. and McPherson, G. (2012) Event Policy: From Theory to Strategy, London: Routledge. Foucault, M. (1981) The History of Sexuality: An Introduction, Harmondsworth: Penguin. Frew, M. and McGillivray, D. (2008). ‘Exploring hyper-experiences: Performing the fan at Germany 2006’, Journal of Sport and Tourism, 13(3): 181–98. Gold, T. (2012) ‘The Queen’s jubilee was a celebration of pure fantasy’, The Guardian, 8 June, 14. Gramsci, A. (1971) Selections from the Prison Notebooks, London: Lawrencce and Wishart. Groves, N. (2012) ‘Azerbaijan has Eurovision in more ways than one’, The Guardian, 15 March, 18. Guardian, The (2012) ‘Iran’s women footballers banned from Olympics because of Islamic strip’, 6 June, 12. Hall, M.C. (2012) ‘The political analysis and political economy of events’, in S. J. Page and J. Connell (eds) The Routledge Handbook of Events, London: Routledge, 186–201. Harding, L. (2006) ‘How to win at football’, The Guardian, 10 July, 17. ––(2012) ‘Euro 2012 turning into PR disaster for Ukraine as racism fears scare off fans’, The Guardian, 28 May, 33. Harding, L. and Traynor, I. (2012) ‘Euro 2012 faces diplomatic crisis over Ukraine’s jailed opposition leader’, The Guardian, 30 April, 35. Hargreaves, J. (1987) Sport, Power and Culture, Cambridge: Polity Press. Hill, C.R. (1996) Olympic Politics, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Houlihan, B. (1994) Sport and International Politics, New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf. Larrain, J. (1986) The Concept of Ideology, London: Hutchinson. Lasswell, H.D. (1936) Politics: Who Gets, What, When, How? New York: McGraw-Hill. Lawson, M. (2012) ‘A belligerent Eurovision night fit for a broken Europe’, The Guardian, 27 May, 32 Levermore, R. and Budd, A. (eds) (2004) Sport and International Relations: An Emerging Relationship, London: Routledge. McVeigh, T. (2012) ‘Human rights abuses spark demands to boycott Eurovision in Azerbaijan’, The Guardian, 11 March, 14. Malik, S. (2012) ‘Unemployed bussed in to steward river pageant’, The Guardian, 4 June, 10.

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Mandell, R.D. (1971) The Nazi Olympics, New York: The Macmillan Company. Mann, M. (1986) The Sources of Social Power: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760, New York: Cambridge University Press. Merkel, U. (1994) ‘Football made in Germany: Solid, reliable and undramatic but successful’, in J. Sugden and A. Tomlinson (eds) Hosts and Champions: Football Cultures, National Identities and the World Cup in the USA, Avebury: Gower Press, 93–118. ——(2000) ‘The political value of sport in Germany’, in M. Keech and G. McFee (eds) Sport and Values, Aachen: Meyer and Meyer, 187–206. ——(2002) ‘Sport, power and the state in Weimar Germany’, in J. Sugden and A. Tomlinson (eds) Power Games: A Critical Sociology of Sport, London: Routledge, 141–60. Nye, J. (2004) Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, New York: Public Affairs. Picard, D. and Robinson, M. (eds) (2006) Festivals, Tourism and Social Change: Remaking Worlds, Clevendon: Channel View Publications. Querishi, H. (2011) ‘Islamabad’s first fashion week’, The Guardian, 24 January, 25. Riordan, J. and A. Krüger (eds) (1999) The International Politics of Sport in the 20th Century, London: E & F Spon. Robertson, D. (1993) The Penguin Dictionary of Politics, London: Penguin Books. Roche, M. (2000) Mega-Events and Modernity: Olympics, Expos and the Construction of Global Culture, London: Routledge. Russell, B. (1938) Power: A New Social Analysis, London: Allen and Unwin. Senn, A.E. (1999) Power, Politics and the Olympics Games, Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Sugden, J. and Tomlinson, A. (eds) (2002) Power Games: A Critical Sociology of Sport, London: Routledge. Tremlett, G. and Campi, D. (2011) ‘Last bullfight in Barcelona sells out as Spain marks end of 600 years of history’, The Guardian, 25 September, 34. Watt, N. (2012) ‘Ed Miliband uses diamond jubilee buzz to speak up for Englishness’, The Guardian, 7 June, 13. Watts, J. (2002) ‘Despair, hunger and defiance at the heart of the greatest show on earth – Surreal North Korean party opens isolated state to the world’, The Guardian, 17 May, 22. Weaver, P. (2011) ‘Bahrain GP: Why everyone in F1 knew that it should be cancelled’, The Guardian, 22 February, 24. Williams, R. (2011) ‘Formula One: Grand Prix grandees steer past Bahrain’s bloodstained realities’, The Guardian, 5 June, 11. Wrong, D. (1995) Power: Its Forms, Bases, and Uses, New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers. Young, G. (2002) ‘The politics of partying’, The Guardian, 17 August, 25.

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Part II

Historical and developmental case studies

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2 Regional events and festivals in Europe Revitalizing traditions and modernizing identities Louisa Devismes

Despite a dramatic decline of public festivals and rituals in modern society, late-twentieth-century Europe experienced a resurgence in the number of local and regional celebrations (Eckman 1999; MacClancy and Parkin 1997; Quinn 2005; Selberg 2006). The historic interpretation of festivals reflects their ancient origins; typically taking place at regular intervals, these events served as meeting places for the cultural expression of people living in particular places (Eckman 1999; Selberg 2006). As one of the many practices that humans have developed in the process of creating and experiencing identity narratives (Quinn 2005), festivals represent a conduit for the ongoing processes of identity construction and articulation, as well as the expression of the relationship between people and place. As such, the formation and celebration of identity is recognized as a key element in the creation of regions as social and political spaces. Indeed, this chapter begins with a synopsis of regional festivals since pagan times through which the significance of festivals in terms of serving the social and cultural needs of the communities who organize them becomes apparent, as do the effects of political developments around the turn of the twentieth century. The unprecedented creation and revival of European regional festivals in recent decades has been observed alongside the rise of regional consciousness, regional identities and a concurrent boom of European regionalism(s) and regionalist projects (Antonisch 2009; Eckman 1999; Jeong and Santos 2004; Paasi 2009; Smith 2000). This chapter investigates the historical significance of global, national and regional dynamics in an attempt to understand this regional resurgence. It argues that the simultaneous processes of globalization may provide some explanation as to what has re-awakened this interest in regional festivals. As a process that may be described as the ‘intensification of worldwide relations’ (Kearney 1995: 548), globalization is, in part, characterized by the increasing transnational movements of people (Friedman 2003). As a result, running through the literature on globalization reveals how culture and politics become detached from local places, leaving fragmented cultural barriers the subject of rivalry and tension (Harvey 1990; Kearney 1995). Thus, the processes of globalization have been attributed to challenging the nation as the dominant form of state organization, giving rise not only to

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alternative forms of global governance and citizenship, but to an upsurge of alternative identities such as those based upon ethnic origins and regional location (Friedman 2003). This chapter suggests that it is the destabilizing effects of globalization that are largely responsible for a revived sense of regional awareness, a development which may be interpreted as a search for tradition and continuity in a rapidly changing world (Eckman 1999; Goff 2000; Gray 2010; Paasi 2009; Jeong and Santos 2004; Varynen 2003). Indeed, as a culmination of historical, social and political processes that have become increasingly susceptible and re-shaped by the outside influences of the wider world, historic regional identities have been revitalized and articulated in response, and often in opposition, to these global forces (Antonisch 2010a; Paasi 2009; Varynen 2003). The construction and articulation of identity narratives may, therefore, be contested by opposing groups at a regional, national and global level, a matter which highlights the political nature of the formation and celebration of identity. This chapter draws upon an analysis of the conflict that developed around the Barcelona 1992 Olympic Games between the interests of the people of Catalonia and the central Spanish government, a case study which provides a valuable insight into the tense and fragile nature between the interests of indigenous regional communities and those of the nation state (MacClancy and Parkin 1997; Suvarierol 2012). Debates that have developed around the role of the state and the increasing significance of regions as ‘building-blocks’ of the nation highlight the relative lack of research in relation to the significance of regions, and the subsequent ‘conceptual vagueness’ surrounding the term regional identity (McCrone 2005; Paasi 2009; Quinn 2005). Such discussions have stimulated academic interest in relation to the celebration and understanding of regional identity and research of this nature has contributed towards identifying and establishing the significance of a range of tangible ‘markers’ of identity (Eckman 1999; Derrett 2003; Gray 2010; Moscardo 2007; Quinn 2005). However, a lack of understanding surrounding the more subjective intangible characteristics and their significance in the construction and celebration of identity continues to contribute to the ambiguity surrounding the concept of regional identity. As such, this chapter highlights the significance of the social processes that are implicit within the notion of regional identity and celebration, and the potential that further research in this area holds in terms of revealing the identity of regions.

The origins and historical development of local and regional festivals The origins of many local festivals can be traced back to paganism, the spiritual tradition and pre-Christian religion of much of Old Europe (Hutton 2008). As a faith based upon the cyclical nature of the earth, pagan celebrations gave rise to a pattern of eight seasonal festivals, observed collectively in neo-pagan terms as the ‘Wheel of the Year’ (Hutton 2008). Although the

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meanings and names of these festivals varied according to particular cultures, the underlying nature of these rituals were based upon a celebration of day length and seasons, celebrating the winter and summer solstice and the spring and autumn equinox. Sites such as Stonehenge provide evidence that solar festivals have been significant dates for hundreds of thousands of years. The remaining festivals represented dates signifying the start and finish of the seasons, commonly known as Samhain (summer’s end), Imbolc, Beltane and Lunghnasadh (Lammas). Changes in day length and the fertility of the land were key features throughout and, as such, pagan festivals commonly represented key points in the agrarian calendar. For example, Beltane saw communities come together after long winters of isolation to celebrate the start of summer, marking their connection to nature and one another (Lambert 2012). Pagan festivals reached their heights in the MiddleAges (which spanned the fifth to fifteenth centuries), during which time native European religious beliefs and cultural activities were integrated into a Christianized form. During this time, traditions were retained to ease the transition to Christianity, although the meanings of these celebrations were often altered. Many pagan traditions were adapted as popular secular celebrations or were given new Christian interpretations, such as Beltane (May Day) and Lammas (Harvest festival). Throughout the early modern era (between the fifteenth and the early eighteenth century) a growing population and improved agricultural production meant that different types of festivals began to emerge that reflected changing rural practices. The case of the Scottish Highland Games provides a useful example; various elements of the Highland Games are believed to have originated from the working practices and recreational activities of those who lived and worked on the land (Brewster, Connell and Page 2009; Brown, Findlay and Fogarty et al. 2009). The Highland Games were (and still are) a demonstration of physical strength and endurance, with competitions taking place between farmers or local teams (Brewster, Connell and Page 2009). The development of agrarian festivals during this time also reflected the rise and dominance of the economic theory of mercantilism as fairs and markets emerged to promote a region’s agricultural trade. Fairs and markets also developed within cities during this period, providing a place for people to come together, to trade and exchange news with distant friends (Brown, Findlay and Fogarty et al. 2009). The presence of military pageants and National Days also became a feature during the early modern age, revealing Europe’s long history of tension and conflict and the subsequent rise of centralized governments and early authoritarian nation states (Brown, Findlay and Fogarty et al. 2009; Suvarierol 2012). For example, the ceremony of Trooping the Colour dates back to the seventeenth century when soldiers were assembled to be repeatedly shown their regiment’s flags so that they would recognize them as rallying points during battle (Brown, Findlay and Fogarty et al. 2009). Bastille Day also became established as an annual event during this period when, in 1790, the

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storming of the Bastille served to commemorate the first anniversary of the French revolution. As Europe moved into the late-modern era (eighteenth century), the effects of the Renaissance period became evident as the proliferation of festivals reflected the desire for intellectual, cultural and social pursuits. A number of significant sporting events began during this period, many of which remain on the contemporary sporting calendar. These include Royal Ascot (1711), Epsom Derby Day (1780), the Ashes Series (1820) and the Grand National (1839) (Brown, Findlay and Fogarty et al. 2009; Rearick 1977). This trend continued throughout the transition to the modern age (nineteenth century), echoing the technological, socioeconomic and cultural changes of this era. For example, festivals initiated during this period included Cowes Week (1862), the Royal Horticultural Society’s Spring Show (1862, now known as the Chelsea Flower Show), Wimbledon Tennis Tournament (1877), the London to Brighton Car Rally (1896), the Polo World Cup (1897), Le Tour de France (1902) and the Monaco Grand Prix (1929). However, at the turn of the twentieth century World War I cancelled celebration for the conflict’s duration, and for a number of years after, as festivals became the victim of post-war tensions and melancholy (Rearick 1977). During the 1930s, however, several notable opera festivals were conceived, such as the Florence, Savolinna and Glyndebourne Operas, but were again interrupted by World War II (Brown, Findlay and Fogarty et al. 2009). Despite a gradual disappearance of regional festivals and rituals following World War II (Eckman 1999; MacClancy and Parkin 1997; Selberg 2006), the European festival calendar reveals the emergence of a number of significant arts and cultural festivals. These included the Prague Music Festival (1946), the Cannes Film Festival (1946), the Avignon Arts Festival (1947) and the Edinburgh Festival (1947) (Brown, Findlay and Fogarty et al. 2009). Indeed, it was during this post-war period (between the 1940s and 1960s), known as the ‘age of reconstruction’, that cultural policies were formed with the objective of expanding traditional ‘high culture’ and widening access to culture through public subsidy (Richards 1999). The subsequent ‘age of participation’ (1970s to early 1980s) was marked by a stimulation of ‘grass-roots’ popular culture, often in response to and attempting to address the increasing social inequalities evident in European cities (Richards 1999). As such, the value of arts and cultural festivals in projects of community cohesion and regeneration became widely acknowledged (Garcia 2004; Myerscough 1991; Richards 1999). The initiation of a number of large music festivals during the early 1970s, including Glastonbury, Roskilde and Pinkpop, reflected the socioeconomic changes typical of post-industrial society; that is, the shift away from traditional economic priorities and an increase in time available for leisure-oriented activities. Eckman (1999) and Selberg (2006) attribute the decline in rural festivals and rituals following World War II to a number of wider social developments, including people’s increased mobility, urbanization, industrialization, a reduced agricultural sector and the subsequent changing nature of the rural

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environment, as well as alternative sources of entertainment. Evidence of the effects of post-war policies with a city focus appear to echo the sentiment of Eckman (1999) and Selberg (2006) in terms of the reduced significance of the rural environment. Indeed, MacClancy and Parkin (1997) argue that the mechanization of agriculture and the subsequent drift of the rural population into the cities was partially responsible for the decline of rural festivals seen throughout Europe during the 1950s and 1960s, alongside the migration of largely young people from southern to northern Europe in search of work. However, the authors suggest that a reversal in these trends, witnessed as a growing dissatisfaction of urbanization and industrialization, and the return of earlier migrants represented a shift in attitudes back towards rural values, hence a resurgence in rural festivals during the late 1970s. Eckman (1999) describes the revival of a number of traditions within a Swedish context, including the organization of ‘local days’ to celebrate a town or village, the dedication of a day or week to a notable person originating from or connected to a particular area, and the revival of old regional markets. Indeed, research indicates that the revival of these markets may be linked to the renewed interest in regional foods, widely observed over recent decades (Einarsen and Mykletun 2009; Gandini and Villa 2003; Kuznesof, Tregear and Moxley 1997). Festivals whose origins lay at the heart of ancient traditions, either as a result of their continuation over the centuries, such as May Day and Hogmanay (winter solstice) or through their modern revival, are also significant within the context of the resurgence of regional festivals. Smith (1993), for instance, describes the Victorian revival of Beltane in Scotland as a ‘modern revival’ of local tradition. Indeed, Lambert (2012) also highlights the revival of Beltane across the UK over the past decade. It was also during the post-war period that globalization gained momentum and festivals began to take on a global dimension (Scholte 2008). The Notting Hill Carnival emerged soon after World War II due to the spread and expansion of the Caribbean diaspora in response to the demand for cheap immigrant labour (Nurse 1999). As a result, West Indians transferred their tradition of carnival to the streets of London’s Notting Hill, creating an event that has now become Europe’s largest carnival (Clark and Carr-Brown 2000; Nurse 1999). The case of the Scottish Highland Games provides another example of an event that is staged not just in Scotland, but across the globe where Scottish diasporas exist (Brewster, Connell and Page 2009). Consequently, the significance of increasing transnational migration of people, cultural practices and global interactions of populations began to define the objectives of festivals as a means of preserving identity and traditions.

Globalism, nationalism and regionalism As the dominant form of state organization and the principal players in world affairs, nation states provide a global framework for governance and identity

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(Gupta and Ferguson 1992; Kearney 1995). Nationalism emerged as an important concept in Europe during the eighteenth century as French revolutionaries introduced various measures and practices to foster a collective sense of awareness and identity amongst the nations’ people (Anderson 2006; Knight 1982; Smith and Wistrich 2007). Centralized governments developed as the underlying culture, identity and rights of a nation’s people became the object of aspirations and political movements throughout Europe (Smith and Wistrich 2007). Collective representations of the character, culture and historical footprint of the nations’ people were expressed through, and furthered by, the state as a ‘narrative’ of the nation was constructed in a bid to consolidate the nation’s inhabitants as a homogeneous group, whilst cultivating their sense of national loyalty (Hogan 2003; Lewis 1991). However, nationalism found its significance not only in the sentiment of war and territorial expansion, but also in culture (Rearick 1977). Facets of this shared sense of national consciousness or identity were described by Hall as ‘a set of stories, images, landscapes, scenarios, historical events, national symbols and rituals which stand for or represent the shared experiences, sorrows, triumphs and disasters which give meaning to the nation’ (1992: 293). In the early years of the nation state, the national language and the official version of a country’s history, myths and icons were an essential part of this process of nation-building; an effort to create cultural unity out of the diversity nation states often found within their borders (Suvarierol 2012). At the same time, regional territories lost their significance as they were assimilated into the larger territory of the nation state. However, the use of the term ‘nation state’ implies that the cultural identity of the nation and the political realm of the state not only coincide geographically, but are synonymous as communities (McCrone 2005). It is this core assumption, combined with people’s increasing mobility, that shaped the behaviour of the nation state as it attempted to consolidate people, territory and sovereignty in the global pursuit of power and wealth (Antonisch 2009; Kuijper 2009; Knight 1982). However, where state membership is defined by territoriality, key differences in culture and loyalties may result in tension and conflict within the state (Kuijper 2009; Smith and Wistrich 2007). As such, an increasing sense of nationalism imposed by the state was held largely responsible for the emergence of regionalism (Friedman 2003; Knight 1982; Paasi 2009). Regionalism was therefore associated with the consciousness of culturally unified groups, the roots of which can be traced back to the protectionism of the 1930s as evidence was seen in the cultural fields of art, literature, architecture and performance (Varynen 2003). Throughout World War II, nationalism acquired a negative connotation and national symbols faded to the background until the notion of globality and the emergence and strengthening of global governance gained momentum soon after (Mann 1997; Scholte 2008). The successive expansion and further integration of Europe threatened to undermine the nation state. These challenges were magnified by the collapse of communism in Europe

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and the end of the Cold War in the early 1990s (Mann 1997; Scholte 2008; Suvarierol 2012). With globalism putting pressure on the nation state hierarchy from above, the rise of regionalism posed a threat from below, decentralizing state powers to sub- and supra- (such as the European Union) national levels as alternative forms of citizenship and governance emerged (Antonisch 2009; Paasi 2009; Varynen 2003). In an attempt to strengthen national unity and solidarity, European states adopted regional development policies which politically served to integrate and secure support from the peripheral regions of the state. These policies were meant to mobilize underutilized resources in the peripheral or declining regions and contribute towards national output. However, the latter part of the 1970s saw a rise in regional politics; tensions between state policy-driven regionalism and indigenous regionalisms became acute as central government reduced regional policy expenditure in favour of global markets. By the 1980s, the efficacy of the development of territorially based regions in line with national concerns was placed into question as demands for a more locally rooted ‘new’ regionalism emerged, promoting an upsurge of regionalisms and regionalist projects (Paasi 2009; Hamin and Macucci 2008; Varynen 2003). The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s was followed by an awakening of nationalism, during which the development and maintenance of national identity gained a new momentum: nation states began to employ powerful symbols to cut across local and regional sentiments and to perpetuate the notion of nationalism (Hargreaves and Ferrando 1997; Mann 1997; Weger and Zimmermann 2003). Traditional societies in some regions, however, resisted change from central government and reasserted historical claims for regional distinctiveness, demanding cultural, linguistic and, in some cases, political sovereignty. Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland in the UK and Catalonia and the Basque country in Spain, are examples where regional government has been restructured to decentralize authority and offer some degree of autonomy (Friedman 2003; Knight 1982; Smith and Wistrich 2007). However, in some parts of Europe this process led to violence, first triggering the realization among academics that the assimilation of the nation state was not proceeding as predicted (Friedman 2003). As social, cultural and political forces emerged, regions became more assertive, modernizing the image of regionalism from archaic and defensive to a dynamic force for change. Hamin and Macucci (2008) make a distinction between centrally orchestrated ‘old regionalism’ which was associated with the establishment of regions in line with the concerns of national leaders, and the resurgence of more locally rooted indigenous or ‘new’ regionalisms based upon historical and contemporary symbols that people inhabiting the region recognize and share (Paasi 2009; Varynen 2003). However, regions vary greatly in their structures, and the political, economic and social demands which they articulate (Paasi 2009). In addition, Varynen (2003) emphasized the negotiated nature of ‘new’ regionalisms as national, continental and global forces meet local demands and social systems, forcing mutual adaptations and

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concessions. Varynen (2003) therefore applied the term ‘regionness’ to describe the situation in which the process of regionalization has advanced far enough for the region to attain some intrinsic regional features: the author suggested that the extent to which a region develops is dependent upon the strength of the internal effects of social and cultural processes. Paasi (2009) highlights the historic nature of the process through which a region emerges as part of the territorial structure and social consciousness of society, suggesting that where elements that depict regional identity, such as geographical features, nature or landscape, cultural identity, cultural heritage and administrative apparatus, coincide in space, strong regionalism results. European survey data collected over the past two decades demonstrates that the sentiment of regional identity has not undergone any shift during this time. Antonisch (2010a) argues that the rescaling processes of European governance are not accompanied by a similar rescaling of collective identities. Indeed, the EU has a rich mosaic of regions, some of which have very long histories and it is the promotion of a historic regional identity that may be interpreted as a persistent underlying factor in the source of resurgent regionalist ideas (Antonisch 2010b; Donaldson 2006; Jones and Keating 1995; Paasi 2009).

Regions, regionalism and regional identity Paasi (2009) suggests that the resurgence of regions cannot be explained by any single cause although highlights threats to regional cultures and identity as a contributory factor. Indeed, despite the variety of forms that regional festivals adopt, celebrations of this nature are inherently underpinned by a range of characteristics, all of which contribute to the ongoing process of identity construction. Therefore, festivals themselves may be described as an outward manifestation of a community’s identity and constitute one of the many practices that humans have developed in creating and experiencing identity narratives, a process achieved against the backdrop of those elements used to depict regional identity (Paasi 2003; Quinn 2005). However, despite a number of authors’ attempts to define regional identity, it is evident that regional identity is a complex concept due to the multifaceted and largely intangible nature of its constituent elements. Paasi (2003: 477) suggests that regional identity may be depicted by a diverse range of elements such as ‘ideas on nature, landscape, the built environment, culture/ethnicity, dialects, economic success/recession, periphery/centre relations, marginalization, stereotypic images of a people/community, both of “us” and “them”, actual/ invented histories, utopias and diverging arguments on the identification of people’. Millard and Christensen (2004: 3), however, focused solely upon intangible elements as they defined regional identity as ‘the image, visibility and presence perceived, seen and felt by regional inhabitants, and by the outside world’. Kneafsy (2011) and Paasi (2009) concur that at a personal level, regions provide individuals with a specific sense of place, belonging and

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identity. They also proceed to emphasize the elements of social integration and cohesiveness that are implicit within the notion of regional identity. Indeed, Rose uses the term identity to refer to ‘lived experiences and all of the subjective feelings associated with everyday consciousness’, but also suggests that ‘such experiences and feelings are embedded within wider sets of social relations’ (1995: 88). Through bringing people together, festivals provide the opportunity to build the relationships and networks that are necessary to develop the social integration and cohesiveness that are implicit within the notion of regional identity (Kneafsy 2011; Moscardo 2007; Paasi 2003; Quinn 2005). Indeed, the social sciences literature places a strong emphasis upon the role of festivals in promoting social cohesion, reproducing social relations and facilitating people’s continued ‘sense of belonging’ (Eckman 1999; Derrett 2003; Quinn 2005). A ‘sense of belonging’ arises out of ancestral, cultural and emotional connections that may be founded upon shared interests, history and concerns (Raymond, Brown and Weber 2010). Indeed, Lambert (2012) highlights the significance of people’s ‘sense of belonging’ within the context of reporting on the modern revival of Beltane festivals across the UK, suggesting that ‘the need to belong to something or someone hasn’t changed … we can be just as isolated living in the city or a town as the ancient Britons were in their round houses’, a sentiment that reflects the purpose of pagan festivals in terms of honouring human emotional needs (Hutton 2008). Raymond, Brown and Weber (2010) also highlight the significance of people’s sense of belonging in forming a strong attachment to place. Place attachment, the environmental psychologist’s equivalent of the geographers ‘sense of place’, is also the result of the positive emotional bonds based upon particularities of the natural environment (Raymond, Brown and Weber 2010). Consequently, as well as generating a new level of interest from the social sciences, festivals have also moved up the geographical agenda. Not only do festivals constitute one of the many practices that humans have evolved in the process of making homes, but they also provide a vehicle to express the relationship between people and place, thereby enabling placebased communities to celebrate the unique characteristics of their region (Eckman 1999; Quinn 2005). Indeed, regions within nation states may have unique environmental characteristics which serve to emphasize a perceived identity that is at least partly different from the majority of the nation state (Paasi 2009; Raymond, Brown and Weber 2010; Smith and Wistrich 2007).

Regional festivals: culture, place and landscape Current research highlights the significance of place and landscape as a setting for cultural celebrations that provide a community with the fabric to interpret itself (Derrett 2003; Eckman 1999; Getz 2002; Gray 2010; Moscardo 2007; Quinn 2005). Place and landscape were, of course, central components of the early pagan rituals due to their inherent link to the agrarian calendar, a

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link that may provide some explanation for the revival and celebration of regional foods over recent decades (Tellstrom, Gustafsson and Mossberg 2005). Culinary products which originated from specific local breeds and farming methods have, over time, become part of the way of life of rural populations and, as such, are inextricably linked to the character of a region, and grounded in historic associations (Gandini and Villa 2003). Local foods are often used today as a reference point of ancient local traditions, and drawn upon as expressions of culture in an attempt to reinvigorate the identity of a community and region (Einarsen and Mykletun 2009; Gandini and Villa 2003). Indeed, Einarsen and Mykletun emphasize that this trend may also be attributable to the nature of food festivals as ‘celebrations of the community itself ’ (2009: 225). Several authors highlight the significance of cultural heritage as a stimulus for the articulation of a community’s identity (Derrett 2003; Eckman 1999; Gray 2010; Jeong and Santos 2004; MacClancy and Parkin 1997; Paasi 2009; Selberg 2006; Varynen 2003). Cultural heritage refers to a community’s past shared experiences that are afforded high symbolic value (Eckman 1999; Paasi 2009; Selberg 2006; Varynen 2003). However, cultural heritage is not something that is merely there, but is selected or appointed through complex social processes (Selberg 2006). As arenas where local history, cultural inheritance and social structures are revised, rejected or recreated, festivals can, therefore, be regarded as examples of these processes by which heritage is selected and articulated (Quinn 2005; Selberg 2006). Regional identities may consist of ‘invented traditions’ rather than actual historical reality (Smith 1993; Smith and Wistrich 2007), a notion reflected by Santino (2009: 21), who describes tradition as ‘the self-conscious use of the past in the present’. Indeed, Smith and Wistrich (2007) illustrate the subjective interpretation of history with reference to Scottish culture and associated symbols of identity such as the kilt and bagpipes. In doing so, the authors suggest that the whole concept of Highland culture and tradition is, in fact, a largely modern, retrospective invention. This is reflected by Chhabra, Healy and Sills (2003), who also draw attention to the staged and reconstructed nature of the Highland Games. Indeed, Smith (2011) notes that as visual spectacles, festivals lend themselves particularly well to imaginative, historical recreation. Festivals that are dedicated to the celebration of the past may include those that have been newly created with an alleged ‘traditional’ content, or the revival of old festivals (Kneafsy 2000; MacClancy and Parkin 1997; Selberg 2006). In terms of the revival of old festivals, MacClancy and Parkin (1997) emphasize a further distinction between those festivals that had been recreated, that is resurrected after a period of neglect, and those that had been revised or revitalized via the injection of new life into an existing ritual. In this case, MacClancy and Parkin (1997) suggest that new elements may be incorporated for the sake of updating or ‘modernising’ the ritual’s authenticity and, as such, should be described as ‘retraditionalized’. Thus, the revival of festivals may be described as the manifestation of a mixture of old and new

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adaptations which vary in terms of form and content, as well as by degrees of authenticity and innovation (Eckman 1999; MacClancy and Parkin 1997; Paasi 2009; Selberg 2006; Varynen 2003). The underlying implication is that the past is staged and reused to bestow desired meanings on the present: ‘designed to make us remember the past, or those parts of it selected for retelling during the festival’ (Selberg 2006: 298). The modern revival of Beltane in the UK, for example, shows that not all of the traditions associated with Beltane are useful in the current age. During traditional Beltane festivals, fires were lit as a part of the celebration; farmers would drive livestock between them in order to drive out lice and parasites that the animals harboured as a result of living in close confinement during the winter. Although fire remains a common feature of Beltane celebrations, it is the burning of the wicker man and the presence of entertainers, family workshops and games that characterize modern Beltane festivities (Lambert 2012). The production of festivals represents an evolving set of cultural practices that connect the past and present, allowing identity to be continually revised and updated, thereby engendering local continuity (Eckman 1999; Derrett 2003; Quinn 2005). In doing so, festivals also signify the process through which place is invested in a variety of meanings that are inherently unstable, actively shaped and continually revised by different groups (Ekman 1999). However, as sites where individuals and groups may promote particular sets of values and attempt to reproduce hegemonic meanings, festival networks may also generate conflicts and differences of attitudes (Eckman 1999; Paasi 2009). Indeed, Eckman (1999) emphasizes the contribution of different types of enthusiasts and their diverging opinions and motives for commitment. The author concludes through the study of local history festivals in Filipstad (Sweden) that festivals not only reveal conflicts of interest, but also which type of actor has been most powerful in each context, as well as the amount of change that different stakeholders are prepared to accept. As such, festivals are of sociological concern as they not only provide the opportunity to create and enhance social cohesiveness but, in doing so, reveal transparent webs of power networks through the culmination of social, historical and political processes (Jeong and Santos 2004). Irrespective, therefore, of whether a festival is old or new, festivals reveal the values, interests and aspirations of a community as their identity is articulated and interpreted both by the local and the external world beyond the communities’ boundaries. Consequently, festivals may be used to both strengthen local identity and to make a community known to the outside world. In this respect, a number of authors highlight the exclusive nature of festivals, as cultural meanings may be generated by communities specifically to articulate to the outside world (Jeong and Santos 2004; Quinn 2005; Selberg 2006). The Notting Hill Carnival, for example, played a key role in the emergence and acceptance of West Indian identity in Britain, providing a vehicle through which the Caribbean diaspora could oppose and resist Britain’s racist political culture during the post-war period (Harrison 1999).

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Indeed, meanings of resistance and opposition are synonymous with Carnival (Smith 1993). Although intended to appear inclusive, festivals may therefore involve the implementation of exclusion strategies that draw symbolic boundaries (Eckman 1999; Gray 2010; Jeong and Santos 2004; Quinn 2005). Current discussions about the make-up of place as a portion of geographic space occupied by people, social relations, meanings and identities, are concerned with openness, flows and the subsequent interconnections that exist between people and places (Antonisch 2010a; Derrett 2003; Massey 2004; Quinn 2005). Despite regional perceptions often assuming distinct, sharply bounded, static units that fit together in a way that Paasi (2009) describes as ‘the jigsaw puzzle view’, in a world of transnational flows of people and subsequent movements of cultural practices, place is not territorially fixed (Amin 2002; Gupta and Ferguson 1992). The idea, therefore, of a region as a cohesive unit has been rejected by scholars since the 1980s, pushing territory and the idea of bounded space to one side (Antonisch 2009; Anonsich 2010b; Harvey 1990; Paasi 2009). Open-ended global flows may be interpreted as intrusions from the outside world. It is through connection at what may be described as ‘imagined boundaries’ that communities may feel the need to articulate their identities as distinct and, in some cases, in opposition to ‘others’ (Anderson 2006; Gupta and Ferguson 1992; MacClancy and Parkin 1997; Harrison 1999). Although Smith (2000) surmises that the destabilizing effects of globalization are felt as a loss of connection between people and place, Harvey (1990) suggests that globalization makes places appear less stable than before, which in turn, makes people feel more attached to their places. Indeed, Antonisch (2010a; 2010b) and Harvey (1990) concur that global connections do not erase local boundaries but actually strengthen them, a result that Harvey (1990) interprets as people’s attachment to place as a specific marker of identity in a rapidly changing world. Several researchers partially attribute the resurgence and development of regional festivals in Europe to the destabilizing effects of global connections, which, as Passi (2009) suggests, may be interpreted as a threat to regional cultures and identity (Eckman 1999; Derrett 2003; Jeong and Santos 2004; Quinn 2005). As such, a number of authors highlight the significance of the simultaneous processes of globalization, European integration and regionalism in providing some explanation as to what has re-awakened this interest in cultural revivals (Antonisch 2009; Antonisch 2010a; Eckman 1999; Harvey 1990; Keating 1995; Massey 2004; Smith 2000).

Catalonia: the region versus the state The Spanish region of Catalonia provides an example of how the promotion of a historic regional identity may be interpreted as a persistent underlying factor in the source of resurgent regionalist idea, and the source of conflict between a region and the nation state (Antonisch 2010b; Donaldson 2006;

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Jones and Keating 1995). The people of Catalonia hold a rich and complicated regional history in their psyche, throughout which Catalans have asserted and maintained a unique and distinct sense of socio-cultural and linguistic identity (Brandes 1990; Gies 1994; Guibernau 1997). With a past characterized by a series of aggressively hegemonic French and Spanish regimes, Catalonia briefly achieved autonomy during the 1930s, which was nullified later the same decade as an outcome of the Spanish Civil War (Gies 1994; Guibernau 1997). Spanish dictator General Francisco Franco subjugated the people of Catalonia to execution and imprisonment, forcing thousands into exile (Hargreaves and Ferrando 1997). During this period, the Catalan language and other key symbols of Catalan identity and nationhood such as the flag, the national hymn and national dance were also proscribed (Brandes 1990; Hargreaves and Ferrando 1997). Franco’s death in 1975 paved the way for the reclaiming of Catalan rights and the re-establishment of the Catalan government, the Generalitat, a move that revealed the persistence and endurance of a cultural minority among which Catalan nationalist sentiment prevailed (Brandes 1990; Gies 1994). Despite existing within their territory and political boundaries, Catalans continue to distinguish themselves from the French and Spanish, who many still consider to be foreign imperialist occupiers (Guibernau 1997). For example, Pujol, president of the Generalitat since 1980, frequently refers to the central government as a Spanish state rather than as Spain, to underscore his conviction that Spain is merely an administrative structure and political entity whilst reinforcing his convictions that regionalism is not something that is anachronistic, but a modern movement of progress (Guibernau 1997). Those debates that have developed around the role of the state, and the increasing significance of regions as ‘building-blocks’ of the nation, have stimulated academic interest in festivals and events as a medium for the investigation and interpretation of the ambiguities of identity (Tarrangou 2010). Analyses of the conflict that developed around the Barcelona 1992 Olympic Games between the interests of the Spanish government and those of the people of Catalonia provide a valuable insight into the tense and fragile nature of the interests between the nation state and those of indigenous regions. As a nation burdened with the image of backwardness, the Spanish government saw the Games as a matter of national prestige, an opportunity for Spain to be represented as a modern, efficient nation state whilst amplifying its status on the global stage (Hargreaves and Ferrando 1997; Suvarierol 2012). Indeed, Gies (1994: 70) notes that ‘the Barcelona Olympics appeared to be organized by people who had nationalism, not sports, foremost in mind’. Catalonia, however, saw the Olympics as a means of enhancing the distinction, development and political autonomy of the region (Hargreaves and Ferrando 1997). In a bid to inform the world of their independence from the Spanish state, the Catalan government led the campaign to Catalanize the Games. An advertisement created by the Generalitat, placed in several international

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magazines, located Barcelona in Catalonia, ‘a country in Spain … with its own culture, language and identity’, whilst depicting Catalonia in sharply coloured relief on an otherwise borderless map of Europe (Gies 1994: 70). The federal government interpreted this action as an idiotic effort to ‘fan the flames of an old and often bitter controversy’ (Gies 1994: 70). Indeed, the fact that Barcelona, the capital of Catalonia, was the host city heightened the possibility of revitalizing the long-standing conflict between the historic region and the rest of Spain; a matter interpreted by the Spanish government as a threat to ‘national integration, national identity and national pride’ (Hargreaves and Ferrando 1997: 68). Thus, relatively early on, Spain became reconciled to the idea that the major benefactors of the Games would be Catalonia, revealing an awareness of the need to balance the Catalan interests with those of Spain. The Generalitat wanted at the very least the Catalan flag, national hymn and Catalan language to be given equal status with Spanish state symbols during the Games (Hargreaves and Ferrando 1997). Although the Spanish language was heard throughout the event, and the national flag used during the opening ceremony, the use of the Catalan language to officially open the Games, and the playing of the Catalan national anthem before the national Spanish anthem as the Games got under way each day, appeased the Catalan audience (Gies 1994; Hargreaves and Ferrando 1997). However, despite the Spanish Olympic team containing a greater proportion of Catalonian members than Spanish, the unprecedented success of the Spanish team was perceived as an achievement for the whole of Spain; when a gold medal was won, it was the Spanish flag and national anthem used in celebration, thereby subsuming Catalonia within the greater Spanish nation state (Hargreaves and Ferrando 1997). Hargreaves and Ferrando (1997) conclude that the Games provided the conditions in which the main political drivers were able to make major gains, albeit some more than others. If Spain was perceived as having acquired the majority of benefit, nationalism could have been seen as a destabilizing force. Hargreaves and Ferrando (1997) interpreted the presence of dual ‘nationalities’ as a stabilizing factor contributing to national integration. Indeed, Gies (1994) suggests that Spain appeared to have demonstrated an ability to balance the obligations of a modern nation state with the requirements of regional rights, an example that a unitary, one-dimensional national identity is not a prerequisite for the viability of nation states. However, 20 years later, the conflict surrounding a ban on bullfighting (the ‘corrida’) in Catalonia highlights the ongoing uneasy relationship between Catalonia and Spain. In July 2010, Catalonia’s parliament voted to outlaw what many consider a barbaric practice (BBC 2011). Indeed, dwindling support in Catalonia for decades was one reason regional parliament voted in favour of banning the corrida (BBC 2010; 2011; Govan 2011). However, whilst campaigners celebrated the ban as a victory for animal rights in the hope that the rest of Spain would follow suit (Govan 2011), opponents dismissed the ban as a political move, ‘an infringement of civil liberties’

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(Tremlett and Campi 2011). Critics claim local politicians had agreed the ban on an activity seen as ‘the ultimate symbol of Spanish nationalism’ as a way of proving their independence and distinguishing the region from the rest of Spain, emphasizing the political nature of the ban (BBC 2010; 2011; Govan 2011; Tremlett and Campi 2011). Indeed, for Catalan nationalists, the corrida is viewed as a ‘foreign custom with no place on Catalan soil’ (Richardson 2010). Despite having deep roots in Catalonia, nationalists now see the corrida as a ‘Spanish fiesta’ and, in this respect, it suits Catalans to claim that Catalonia has no real tradition of corrida (BBC 2010; Richardson 2010). Indeed, many Spaniards wondered whether this was partly an act of revenge for a deeply unpopular ruling by the constitutional court that, earlier the same month, struck down part of Catalonia’s statute of autonomy, including the region’s right to label itself a nation (BBC 2010).

Conclusion Over the past two decades, nation states have become less able to command the political allegiance of their citizens (Kuijper 2009; Paasi 2009; Scholte 2008; Wagner 2004). However, the national dimension continues to dominate as the prime cultural barrier (McCrone 2005; Smith 2011). Despite increasing attempts to explore national forms of cultural distinctiveness over the past decade, the notion of regions and regional identity has received little academic attention (Friedman 2003; McCrone 2005; Varynen 2003). Whilst McCrone (2005) suggests that the nation itself cannot be taken for granted as a natural entity, enthusiasts for globalization believe that the nation state is fading away, interpreting the post-war wave of globalization as significantly decentring the national scale alongside the rise of regional structures. Contenders of globalization, however, believe that nations have, in fact, become stronger in recent decades (Kuijper 2009; Paasi 2009; Scholte 2008; Wagner 2004). Lewis (1991: 622), however, suggests that ‘while “nation-building” states seek to homogenize identity within their boundaries, a desire for greater autonomy catalyzes formerly separate subject peoples into new ethnic groups’, a matter that has become evident as increasing integration between European nation states has led to an increase in regional identities, and to the development of rituals and celebrations highlighting those identities whilst challenging the power of the state (MacClancy and Parkin 1997). Whether or not regional ties motivate people into conflict with their respective state, belonging to a region may raise a sense of identity that challenges the dominant identity narrative (Paasi 2003). Academic debates about the impact of globalization often point to an apparent paradox, namely that increasing transnational flows of culture seem to be producing growing assertions of heterogeneity and local distinctiveness as opposed to global homogenization (Harrison 1999). Paasi (2003) suggests that people’s awareness of being part of the global space of flows seems to have generated a search for new points of orientation. This argument is supported by

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Antonisch (2010a; 2010b) and Harvey (1990), who suggest that the destabilizing effects of globalization are felt as a loss of the connection between people and their places, which, in turn, increases people’s attachment to place. This significance of place as a ‘marker’ of identity is well recognized. A review of the fundamental elements underpinning the festival process highlights the significance of place in providing a community with the fabric to interpret itself, thereby reinforcing the significance of place as a setting for cultural celebration (Eckman 1999; Getz 2002). However, although the characteristics of a region enable individuals to develop a strong attachment to their place, social processes are also fundamental in fostering people’s ‘sense of belonging’. As a complex social process, the festival provides a conduit to express the relationship between people and place and, as such, represents a forum for the negotiation and construction of regional identity. Despite being recognized as a key element in the making of regions as social and political spaces, regional identity, as celebrated and understood, is inherently unstable. Indeed, Paasi (2009) draws attention to the ‘conceptual vagueness’ surrounding the term regional identity. Research into the celebration of identity is not only scarce but tends to be dominated by the observation and cultural analysis of existing festivals and festival case studies, much of which focuses on the identification and significance of tangible ‘markers’ of identity (Eckman 1999; Derrett 2003; Gray 2010; Moscardo 2007). It remains difficult to identify precisely the parts of the festival process which lead to a strengthening of regional identity. Derrett (2003) and Eckman (1999) attribute this shortcoming to the differing motives for starting and maintaining a festival over time. Indeed, social psychologists have emphasized the motivational dimensions of identity formation (Paasi 2003). Donaldson (2006) suggests that in order to gain an improved understanding of regional identity, the scale of analysis should be shifted to the human level, with a focus on social practices and relationships. In providing opportunities to build the networks and relationships that create and enhance the social cohesiveness implicit within the notion of regional identity, further research into the social aspects of festival production offers the potential to reveal the motivations behind a community’s need to revitalize, modernize and articulate its identity, and, in doing so, offers the potential of providing a greater understanding of regional identity.

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BBC News (2010) ‘Catalonia’s bullfight ban provokes emotional response’. Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 5 May 2012). ——(2011) ‘Bullfighting in Barcelona ends with Catalonia ban’. Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 5 May 2012). Brandes, S. (1990) ‘The Sardana. Catalan dance and Catalan national identity’, The Journal of American Folklore, 103(407): 24–41. Brewster, M., Connell, J. and Page, S. J. (2009) ‘The Scottish Highland Games: Evolution, development and role as a community event’, Current Issues in Tourism, 12(3): 271–93. Brown, D., Findlay, A., Fogarty, K., Matthews, R., Oliver, S., Toussaint, J. and Zoro, J. (2009) 501 Must-be-there-events, London: Bounty Books. Brown, G. and Raymond, C. (2007) ‘The relationship between place attachment and landscape values: Toward mapping place attachment’, Applied Geography, 27: 89–111. Chhabra, D., Healy, R. and Sills, E. (2003) ‘Staged authenticity and heritage tourism’, Annals of Tourism Research, 30(3): 702–19. Clark, J. and Carr-Brown, J. (2000) ‘Walking a thin blue line’, The Times, 4 September. Derrett, R. (2003) ‘Making sense of how festivals demonstrate a community’s sense of place’, Event Management, 8: 49–58. Donaldson, A. (2006) ‘Performing regions: Territorial development and cultural politics in Europe and the regions’, Environment and Planning A, 38: 2075–92. Eckman, A. K. (1999) ‘The revival of cultural celebrations in regional Sweden. Aspects of tradition and transition’, Sociologia Ruralis, 39(3): 280–93. Einarsen, K. and Mykletun R. J. (2009) ‘Exploring the success of the Gladmatfestival (The Stavanger Food Festival)’, Scandinavian Journal of Hospitality Management, 9 (2–3): 225–48. Friedman, J. (2003) ‘Globalizing languages: Ideologies and realities of the contemporary global system’, American Anthropologist, 105(4): 744–52. Gandini, G. C. and Villa, E. (2003) ‘Analysis of the cultural value of local livestock breeds: A methodology’, Journal of Animal Breeding and Genetics, 120:1–11. Garcia, B. (2004) ‘Cultural policy and urban regeneration in Western European cities: Lessons from experience, prospects for the future’, Local Economy, 19(4): 312–26. Getz, D. (2002). ‘Why festivals fail’, Event Management, 7(4): 209–19. Gies, D. T. (1994) ‘A country in Spain’, Wilson Quarterly, 18: 70–74. Goff, P. M. (2000) ‘Invisible borders: Economic liberalization and national identity’, International Studies Quarterly, 44: 533–62. Govan, F. (2011) ‘Almost seven hundred years of Catalan bullfighting ended on Sunday night with the final death blow dealt by its hometown hero’, The Telegraph, 25 September. Gray, J (2010) ‘Local agricultural shows in the Scottish borders’, Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute, 16: 347–71. Guibernau, M. (1997) ‘Images of Catalonia’, Nations and Nationalism, 3(1): 89–111. Gupta, A and Ferguson, J. (1992) ‘Beyond “culture”: Space, identity and the politics of difference’, Cultural Anthropology, 7(1): 6–23. Hall, S. (1992) ‘The question of cultural identity’, in S. Hall, D. Held and T. McGrew (eds) Modernity and its futures, Cambridge, MA: Polity. Hamin, E. M. and Macucci, D. J. (2008) ‘Ad hoc rural regionalism’, Journal of Rural Studies, 24: 467–77. Hargreaves, J. and Ferrando, M. G. (1997) ‘Public opinion, national integration and national identity in Spain: The case of the Barcelona Olympic Games’, Nations and Nationalism, 3(1): 65–87.

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Moscardo, G. (2007) ‘Analyzing the role of festivals and events in regional development’, Event Management, 11: 23–32. Nurse, K. (1999) ‘Globalization and Trinidad carnival: Diaspora, hybridity and identity in global culture’, Cultural Studies, 13(4): 661–90. Opdenakker, R. (2006) ‘Advantages and disadvantages of four interview techniques in qualitative research’, Forum: Qualitative Social Research, 7(4): Art.11. Paasi, A. (2002) ‘Place and region: Regional worlds and words’, Progress in Human Geography, 26(6): 802–11. ——(2003) ‘Region and place: Regional identity in question’, Progress in Human Geography, 27: 475–85. ——(2009) ‘The resurgence of the “region” and “regional identity”: theoretical perspectives and empirical observations on regional dynamics in Europe’, Review of International Studies, 35: 121–46. Quinn, B (2005) ‘Changing festival places: Insights from Galway’, Social and Cultural Geography, 6(2): 237–52. Raymond, C. M., Brown, G. and Weber, D. (2010) ‘The measurement of place attachment: Personal, community, and environmental connections’, Journal of Environmental Psychology, 30: 422–34. Rearick, C. (1997) ‘Festivals in modern France: The experience of the Third Republic’, Journal of Contemporary History, 12: 435–60. Richards, G. (1999) ‘The European Cultural Capital event: Strategic weapon in the cultural arms race?’, Journal of Cultural Policy, 6(2): 159–81. Richardson, P. (2010) ‘Why bullfighting is making Spain see red’, The Observer, 6 June, 10–13. Rose, G. (1995) ‘Place and identity: A sense of place’, in D. Massey and P. Jess (eds) A place in the world? Places, culture and globalization, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Santino, J. (2009) ‘The ritualesque. Festivals, politics and popular culture’, Western Folklore, 68(1): 9–26. Scholte, J. A. (2008) ‘Defining globalisation’, The World Economy, 31(11): 1471–1502. Selberg, T. (2006) ‘Festivals as celebrations of place in modern society: Two examples from Norway’, Folklore, 117: 297–312. Smith, A. (2011) ‘National identity and vernacular mobilisation in Europe’, Nations and Nationalism, 17(2): 223–56. ——(2000) Nations and nationalism in a global era, Cambridge: Polity Press. Smith, S. (1993) ‘Bounding the borders: Claiming space and making place in rural Scotland’, Transactions of the Institute of the British Geographers, New Series, 18(3): 291–308. Smith, D. M. and Wistrich, E. (2007) Regional Identity and Diversity in Europe, London: The Federal Trust. Suvarierol, S. (2012) ‘Nation-freezing: Images of the nation and the migrant in citizenship packages’, Nations and Nationalism, 18(2): 210–29. Tarrangou, J. (2010) ‘National narratives in the opening and closing ceremonies of the Athens 2004 Olympic Games’, Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 34(2): 235–51. Tellstrom, R., Gustaffson, I. B. and Mossberg, L. (2005) ‘Local food cultures in the Swedish Rural Economy’, Sociologia Ruralis, 45(4): 346–59. Tremlett, G. and Campi, D. (2011) ‘Last bullfight in Barcelona sells out as Spain marks end of 600 years of history’, The Guardian, 25 September, 34. Varynen, R. (2003) ‘Regionalism: Old and new’, International Studies Review, 5: 23–51.

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The historical roots of the Gymnaestrada National gymnastics festivals in nineteenth-century Europe Angela Wichmann

In July 2011, nearly 20,000 gymnasts from 55 countries from across the globe came together in Lausanne, Switzerland, to participate in the fourteenth World Gymnaestrada. Taking place every four years, the World Gymnaestrada is the official worldwide event of Gymnastics For All, the recreational, non-competitive branch of the International Gymnastics Federation (Schwirtz 2006). Underpinned by the Gymnastics For All philosophy, four ‘Fs’ summarize the philosophy of the World Gymnaestrada: fun, fitness, fundamentals and friendship (Mechbach and Lundquist Waneberg 2011; Schwirtz 2006). This, however, is a more recent phenomenon. The historical roots of the World Gymnaestrada are the regional and national gymnastics festivals that emerged in nineteenthcentury Europe. Against the context of frequent wars and political struggles, gymnastics festivals developed, amongst others, in Germany, Sweden and the former Czechoslovakia (Düding 1984; Lindroth 2006; Nolte 2002). This chapter focuses on the emergence and early development of national gymnastics festivals and their political objectives in nineteenth-century Europe. It argues that national gymnastics festivals were important historical milestones in the development of distinctive national identities in a number of countries. For the purposes of this chapter, a sense of national identity is understood as an individual’s experience of an ‘imagined community limited by territorial boundaries’ (Tomlinson 2002: 80). This notion will be framed by Cohen’s theory of the symbolic construction of community (1985) as it puts particular emphasis on three key terms of Tomlinson’s understanding of national identity, namely community, experience and boundary. According to Cohen (1985), a community is a meaningful system of cultural practices, patterns and values that provides its members with a sense of attachment. Community is about belonging and similarity, on the one hand, and about exclusion and difference on the other. Cohen (1985) argues the element which represents the distinctive character of a community and its sense of difference is its boundary. The ‘boundary encapsulates the identity of the community and, like the identity of an individual, is called into being by the exigencies of social interaction’ (Cohen 1985: 12). What Cohen emphasizes is not the boundary as such, but what it means to people, or, ‘more precisely, about the meanings they give to it’ (Cohen 1985: 12) and how it is experienced.

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Cohen’s approach to the study of community (1985) provides an insightful theoretical framework for investigating the role national gymnastics festivals played in shaping and consolidating national identity for three reasons. First, Cohen’s approach supports Tomlinson’s (2002) definition of national identity as subjectively experienced while belonging to a community delimited by territorial boundaries. Second, Cohen (1985) acknowledges the importance rituals play in constituting and confirming community. He considers rituals to be a means through which the sense of belonging to a community can be experienced and strengthened. For the purposes of this chapter, Cohen’s approach sheds light on the relationship between a community, its boundary, the meaning it provides and the significant role rituals play in this process. The chapter argues that rituals as important elements of the gymnastics festivals were a means through which the not yet established national boundaries could be experienced and infused with meaning. Third, the impact of social change on a community is a prominent theme in Cohen’s work (1985). He argues that while social change may alter the structure of a community, the meaning it provides may become even more significant. The notion of social change helps to frame the analysis of the historical development of national gymnastics festivals to today’s World Gymnaestrada. After briefly outlining the political context of early nineteenth-century mainland Europe, the chapter examines the roots of the gymnastics movement, and the social, political and cultural agendas it pursued. It focuses on three major gymnastics concepts emerging in nineteenth-century Europe, namely German Turnen, Swedish gymnastics and the Sokol movement in the former Czechoslovakia. This differentiation is crucial to understanding the emergence and development of national gymnastics festivals. Their significant role as catalysts and symbols of the gymnastics movement and their contribution to the development of national identities will be explored, focusing on the German gymnastics festivals as their political agenda was particularly prominent. The chapter investigates the extent to which mass gymnastics displays during the festivals were meant to be a physical expression of belonging and national identity, before exploring the development and role of today’s World Gymnaestrada. For the purposes of the latter, the chapter draws on data collected during the World Gymnaestrada in Lausanne in July 2011. This research is part of the author’s PhD project, which investigates the meaning that non-elite, female gymnasts attach to sports event tourism in the context of the 2011 World Gymnaestrada. The analysis of this event’s historical roots provides valuable insights into understanding the development of this largely under-researched special event (Roche 2000).

The political situation in early nineteenth-century Europe In the early nineteenth century, the existing political order in Europe changed dramatically and challenged, as a consequence of the French Revolution

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(1789–99) and the Napoleonic Wars, (1803–15) (Craig 1983; Hamerow 1983) existing power structures. After the defeat of revolutionary France, the Congress of Vienna (1814–15), led by the Austrian statesman Metternich, sought to solve and settle the political and territorial disputes that had arisen as a result of the wars. The main aim of the conference was to restore the old order, which pertained before the French Revolution, and to achieve a balanced system of the major powers in Europe, namely France, England, Austria, Prussia and Russia (Craig 1983; Hamerow 1983). The delegates redrew the political map of Europe by redefining boundaries, unifying territories and agreeing on cessions of land and war reparations. Germany remained split into 38 territories; a highly fragmented block in the middle of Europe was planned to be a core element of the system of power balance, serving as a buffer and consolidator of stability (Craig 1983). The delegates of the Congress of Vienna were often criticized for their reactionary and conservative striving towards re-establishing the old status quo, utterly ignoring the liberal and national movements spreading across Europe at that time (Craig 1983; Hamerow 1983; Salmi 2008). In unifying Norway and Sweden, keeping Poland under the control of Russia and insisting on the fragmentation of the German people, nationalistic efforts and desires were clearly disregarded for the sake of peace and stability in early nineteenth-century Europe. Despite or, perhaps, because of these foreign policy efforts, nationalistic movements spread across Europe over subsequent years, striving for national unification and the liberation from foreign rule (Craig 1983; Salmi 2008). In this context, gymnastics movements and their ‘national’ festivals came to play a significant and influential role.

The emergence and meaning of gymnastics movements in nineteenthcentury Europe Influenced by the ideas of the Enlightenment era, the concept of physical culture developed in various European countries towards the end of the eighteenth century. In pre-industrial, mainland Europe, the term ‘physical culture’ was widely understood to incorporate almost all aspects relating to the body, such as health, hygiene and exercise. In the German regions, initiatives were put forward by Johann Christoph Friedrich GutsMuths (1759–1839) and other philanthropists, who favoured a utilitarian approach to physical education (Krüger 1993; Pfister 2003). Physical exercise was thought to contribute to the balance and education of both body and mind, to advance and maintain health, robustness, posture and control of the body. By engaging in exercise, the individual was expected to learn for life and prepare for its challenges (Krüger 1993; Pfister 2003; Trangbæk 2005), but it should also contribute to form the character, and to develop positive virtues and values, such as discipline, obedience, morality, modesty and a sense of achievement (Krüger 1993; Pfister 2003). Inspired by these ideas, a variety of distinctive concepts of physical culture emerged all over Europe in the nineteenth century. The most influential ones

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were the German and Swedish gymnastics systems that also came to be adopted and adapted in other countries (Lindroth 2006; Pfister 2003). Turnen, the distinctive German concept of gymnastics, was initiated by Friedrich Ludwig Jahn (1778–1852) in early nineteenth-century Prussia. The launch of Jahn’s concept needs to be considered in the context of the political and social conditions prevailing at that time (Krüger 1993, 1996a, 1996b; Merkel 2003; Pfister 2003). After the Prussian defeat against Napoleon in 1807, the Prussian authorities recognized the need for major reforms of the army. According to the supporters of the so-called Volksheer, a militia recruited by the people instead of paid mercenaries, recent losses should be overcome by making ordinary people fit for fighting (Eisenberg 1999). State-controlled physical exercises were considered to be the requirement for a successful army (Krüger 1993). The focus of doing physical exercises was no longer directed at the individual preparing for the challenges of life, as suggested by the philanthropists, but had now shifted to ensure military preparedness (Krüger 1993). This physical component went hand in hand with a mental one. In view of the French hegemony and the territorial fragmentation of Germany at that time, both the army and the people suffered from a lack of self-confidence (Eisenberg 1999; Krüger 1993, 1996a, 1996b; Pfister 2003). Jahn’s Turnen should not only produce fit bodies to fight external enemies, notably France, but was also directed at developing a sense of national identity. To raise national awareness and patriotism, and foster a sense of community among the people, Jahn complemented doing bodily exercises with non-physical activities, such as singing patriotic songs and taking country walks (Eisenberg 1996; Krüger 1996a, 1996b; Merkel 2003; Pfister 2003). A similar development can be observed in Sweden, where Per Henrik Ling (1776–1839) established an alternative concept of gymnastics (Bonde 2003; Lindroth 2006; Pfister 2003; Trangbæk 2005). While working as a fencing teacher, Ling introduced his rational system of physical exercises distinguishing between military, educational, medical and aesthetic gymnastics. Ling’s primary concern was to improve the people’s health (Lindroth 2006; Olofsson 1989). As in Germany, the political and social situation in Sweden in the early nineteenth century was influenced by the Napoleonic Wars. After Sweden had to surrender Finland in 1809, a similar awakening and national upheaval occurred as in Germany (Pfister 2003). In the politically unstable situation that followed the wars, interest in a strong Swedish army grew considerably and, along with it, the need to train young men for military service (Lindroth 2006). State-controlled exercises, practised both in the barracks and in schools, should contribute to prepare them to fight for their country (Pfister 2003). As in Germany, gymnastics in Sweden not only had a collective purpose related to the body, but it also included a mental, intellectual dimension. Ling’s vision was to contribute to the revival of a Nordic identity through a balanced education of both body and mind. According to Lindroth (2006), one’s body should be revitalized by practising Ling gymnastics, while the soul should be strengthened by reading Nordic legends and poems.

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Albeit with a time lag of nearly half a century, a parallel can be drawn to the Sokol movement in the former Czechoslovakia. Since the seventeenth century, the former Czechoslovakian regions were part of the AustroHungarian Empire dominated by the aristocratic House of the Habsburgs (Carr 1987). Towards the middle of the nineteenth century, the Empire experienced a severe crisis when national minorities started to fight for more rights and national independence (Woltmann 1997). In the subsequent national revival of Slavic identity, gymnastics came to play a major role in the form of the so-called Sokol (falcon) movement (Carr 1987). Founded by Miroslav Tyrš (1832–84) in 1862, the Sokol gymnastics system was largely based on Jahn’s concept of Turnen. Similar to both Jahn and Ling, the rationale behind the exercises was to make the body fit for the struggle for freedom and liberation from Austro-Hungarian oppression that involved a permanent threat of Germanization. Yet, as Nolte (2002) and Pfister (2003) outline, unlike Germany and Sweden, the development of Sokol gymnastics was not a direct response to a military defeat, but was linked to the perceived danger of a potential war against Germany. The bodily dimension was again complemented by a mental one and many exercises were given specific antiGerman goals that served to spread Slavic identity. Tyrš’s vision was to develop a common Slavic identity that should encompass not only the Czech core region of Bohemia, but all Slavic nations (Nolte 2002; Woltmann 1997). As in Germany and Sweden, Sokol gymnastics had a specific collectivist rationale that went far beyond fitness and health. Cohen (1985) argues that the quintessence of a community is the meaning and sense of belonging with which it provides its members. Despite the conceptual differences between German Turnen, the Czech Sokol movement and Swedish gymnastics, in all three cases a collective meaning framed gymnastics and encompassed both body and mind. Drawing on Cohen (1985), it can be argued the gymnastics community is one that is based on physical movements offering meaningful social and cultural anchors. While the social elements of gymnastics focus on a sense of belonging and social integration, the cultural activities contribute to the development and expression of identity and help foster the community (Eisenberg 1996; Krüger 1996a, 1996b; Merkel 2003; Pfister 2003). Cohen (1985) acknowledges that a community is always subject to outside influences. In this respect, it needs to be recognized that, in the context of the political and social conditions of the first half of the nineteenth century, the collective meaning of gymnastics was mainly politically motivated (Eisenberg 1999; Krüger 1993; Merkel 2003; Pfister 2003). Notably, German Turnen had a clearly identifiable political mission. Questioning the existing power structures and territorial fragmentation in Europe, it contributed to the foundation of a unified German nation state and to the setting of boundaries (Eisenberg 1996; Krüger 1996a, 1996b; Merkel 2003; Pfister 2003). In this process, national gymnastics festivals played an important and influential role.

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German Turnfeste (gymnastics festivals) as symbols and catalysts of the gymnastics movement and of nation building Cohen’s (1985) approach to the study of community stresses the importance of rituals in constituting and consolidating a sense of community, in particular when rituals emphasize a community’s membership and boundaries. Cohen’s (1985) theoretical work sheds light on the relationship between a community, its confines, the meaning it provides and the significant role that rituals play in this context. This can clearly be seen in the national gymnastics festivals that emerged in the first half of the nineteenth century in several European countries. National gymnastics festivals functioned as catalysts, forums and symbols of the nationalism gymnastics movements promoted (Krüger 1996a). While this was similar in several European countries (Lindroth 2006; Pfister 2003), especially the German gymnastics festivals, the Turnfeste had the most explicit political agenda. The success of the German gymnastics movement can be attributed to the social and cultural elements that provided German gymnasts with a sense of belonging, community and national awareness. Several authors (Düding 1984; Eisenberg 1996; Hofmann 2009; Krüger 1996a; Merkel 2003; Ohmann 2008) agree that these aspects were intensified through the regular celebration of festivities. They served as ‘catalysts in the process of building national identity’ (Krüger 1996a: 410). According to Bonde (2003), the relationship between gymnastics and national identity comes to the fore through the involvement in collective, emotional activities. Krüger (1996a: 410) also argues that: National identity and ‘we-feelings’ (‘Wir-Gefühle’) were less a question of organizations than of personal, emotional and social experiences being offered through the practice of making gymnastics. Jahn considered the regular celebration of festivities to be a genuine need of human beings (Ohmann 2008). According to Jahn, festivals not only enabled people to celebrate their interaction with like-minded individuals; they also served as a way of escaping from everyday life (Düding 1984; Zieschang 1973). For Jahn, it was crucial for the festivals to shape a national character and celebrate specific German traditions. In 1814, the German writer and politician Ernst Moritz Arndt adopted Jahn’s suggestions. He recommended organizing festivities in commemoration of the Battle of Leipzig (18 October 1813), during which Prussia and its allies defeated Napoleon and his troops. The celebration of such a historically crucial event had the potential of contributing to the development of a common spirit among the German people. Therefore, a call was published in several journals disseminating the idea of holding festivities on 18 October 1814 to remember the first anniversary of the Battle of Leipzig (Düding 1984). In contrast to the gymnastics festivals held later, there was not only one town hosting a major event, but many festivities took place at the same time

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in different locations. As Düding (1984) argues, the enormous enthusiasm and support for the festivals held in 1814 reflected the patriotic attitudes among the population. The celebrations were repeated in the following years. Besides the common practising of physical exercises and games, the programme usually consisted of a procession, lighting fires, singing patriotic songs, performances, foot races and speeches (Düding 1984; Zieschang 1973). Many of these elements still feature prominently in today’s gymnastics festivals’ programmes across Europe. According to Düding (1984), the annual recurrence of the Turnfeste with their specific features led to the development of a national rite that, by appealing to the emotions of the participating gymnasts and spectators, contributed considerably to the awareness of a common identity and the desire to push for the unification of the German people in one state. After a politically motivated ban on Turnen from 1818 until 1842, several gymnastics festivals were held on a regional basis in southern German cities in the middle of the nineteenth century. After two events in Gmünd (1844) and Reutlingen (1845), the gymnastics festival held in Heilbronn (1846) marked an early climax in the festival calendar in the years prior to the revolution of 1848 (Krüger 1998). According to Krüger (1998), gymnasts from 35 clubs took part, which illustrates the supra-regional scope of the festival. The public showed a considerable interest in these festivities, which proved to be both a festival of gymnastics and physical culture, as well as an event fostering German unity and identity. With their enthusiasm, the participants contributed to the success of the event. As 30 years earlier, the festival activities comprised physical exercises, games, speeches, the singing of patriotic songs, the reading of poems, a procession of gymnasts through the town and walking tours (Krüger 1998). The festivals held in southern German cities in the middle of the nineteenth century mirror the emergence of a second core region of gymnastics within the German territories. Whereas the gymnastics movement under Jahn emanated from Prussia, the enthusiasm for Turnen grew particularly in the southern German states in the 1840s (Krüger 1998). This is of particular importance as, at that time, Germany was still highly fragmented. Considering that, according to Jahn, the gymnastics movement should contribute to German unification, the development of a second core area of gymnastics illustrates how the gymnastics festivals in this period supported German unification in a particularly political and territorial sense. Three gymnastics festivals played a crucial role in the decade before the foundation of the first German nation state in 1871. These three festivals (1860, 1861 and 1863) managed to bring together gymnasts from all German regions for the first time (Krüger 1996b). While previously the festivities under Jahn occurred on a local basis in different vicinities simultaneously, primarily in Prussia, the southern German states were holding popular events in the 1840s, as shown above, followed by several festivals taking place in northern Germany in the 1850s. Despite their supra-regional scope, the

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southern and northern German events were not yet national. However, in 1860 an initiative was launched to bring together gymnasts from all German territories (Krüger 1996b). Theodor Georgii, one of the leaders of the gymnastics movement, and the Swabian gymnast Carl Kallenberg called upon all Turners to gather for the celebration of the first German Turnfest in Coburg, a town in the heart of Germany. To ensure that the message would reach all parts of the German territories, Georgii and Kallenberg used the official journal of German gymnastics as a medium of communication (Krüger 1996b). Indeed, around 1,000 gymnasts followed the call, an impressive number considering the difficult travel conditions of the time. Krüger (1996b) outlines how the organizers of the festival worked hard to ensure the participants could travel to Coburg by train, the most advanced mode of transport at that time, usually accessible only by the privileged. By negotiating with the regional railway societies to arrange the journey to Coburg by train, the organizers managed to provide the necessary travel preconditions for unifying gymnasts from all German states (Krüger 1996b). Likewise, the event programme itself provided the scope for the celebration of the Turners’ community. Fairly similar to the earlier gymnastics festivals, activities related to gymnastics and physical culture were combined with ceremonies, rituals, a procession, politically meaningful practices and a reception. Although no agreement could be reached to establish a national gymnastics association uniting all gymnastics clubs, the organizers were aware of the task the festival in Coburg should accomplish, that is, to serve as an example of a unified Germany (Krüger 1996b). Krüger’s (1996b) analysis of the gymnastics festivals in Berlin (1861) and Leipzig (1863) comes to a similar conclusion. After the festival in Coburg, the political authorities agreed to hold the second German Turnfest in the Prussian capital Berlin. This was of particular significance as it symbolized the fraternization of Prussia with the German national movement. The celebration of German unity lead by Prussia was the dominant theme during the festival in Berlin, coming to the fore amongst others in speeches and patriotic theatre plays featuring German history. According to Krüger (1996b), the staging of an event by and for the masses was even more conspicuous two years later in Leipzig: the festival was dominated by patriotic rites and ceremonies as well as an enthusiastically welcomed speech by the influential historian Heinrich von Treitschke that commemorated the defeat of Napoleon in the Battle of Leipzig exactly half a decade before. The festivals in Coburg, Berlin and Leipzig served as means of expressing national feelings in a collective way (Krüger 1996b); the Turnfeste, in the nineteenth century, became public catalysts (Krüger 1996a) of patriotic feelings. With the foundation of the German nation state in 1871, Jahn’s mission that Turnen should serve as a role model for German unification was fulfilled; simultaneously it marked the beginning of the depoliticization of the gymnastics movement. Drawing on Cohen (1985), through external influences the structures of the gymnastics community were transformed. The foundation

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was laid for the depoliticization of German Turnen which, however, would be changed again by the Nazis in the years before and during World War II (Krüger 1998; 2005).

Mass gymnastics displays as physical expressions of belonging and national identity The common engaging in gymnastics by masses of people at the same time in a very ordered, disciplined and systematic way emerged as one of the most important features of the gymnastics festivals in the nineteenth century. During both the German Turnfeste (Düding 1984), the Swedish gymnastics festivals launched in 1877 (Lindroth 2006) and the Czech Slets starting in 1882 (Nolte 2002), the festivities combined manifestations of gymnastics exercises and non-physical activities such as processions through the hosting city. The mass displays of gymnastics were a physical and symbolic expression of belonging and national identity (Düding 1984; Lindroth 2006; Nolte 2002). At the same time, they reflected the heated debates between the different systems of physical culture in nineteenth-century Europe. The ‘correct’ way of conducting gymnastics was the object of far-reaching social and political disputes. The debates were aiming at identifying the system that seemed to be best suited to appeal to each society with its specific social, cultural and political context and requirements (Pfister 2003). Jahn’s Turnen was characterized by its wild, spontaneous warlike games, such as imagined fights against enemies or attacks on fortresses (Pfister 2003). His advocacy of free exercises instead of a formalized system reflected his somewhat romantic perception of the wars and tournaments of the Middle Ages (Eisenberg 1999). In contrast, Ling’s exercises formed a rational system and had to be practised in a systematic way and in a clearly defined order (Lindroth 2006; Olofsson 1989; Pfister 2003; Trangbæk 2005). Despite the conceptual differences of these approaches, the mass displays of exercises with and without apparatus, practised at the same time in a disciplined and organized way, were one of the most defining elements of the gymnastics festivals in both Germany and Sweden. The mass displays were seen as a patriotic demonstration of a common will and national unity. They were a physical symbol of nation, coherence and strength (Krüger 2011; Lindroth 2006), motivated by the political aim of setting national boundaries. Similarly, the mass displays as a symbol of belonging found their expression in the Slets, the gymnastics festivals of the Sokol movement (Carr 1987; Nolte 2002). The first Slet took place in 1882 in Prague to celebrate the twentieth anniversary of Sokol. Carr (1987) argues that it was particularly through the mass callisthenic displays performed at the Slets that a visual message of brotherhood, unity and teamwork (Carr 1987) was offered to the Czechoslovak people. This message was stronger than anything else as it could reach those that were illiterate (Carr 1987). The moving, enthusiastic, well-choreographed and colourful displays of thousands of gymnasts at the

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Slets were considered to be an expression of a common will, directed by the political leaders (Nolte 2002). The mass displays during the national gymnastics festivals made the individual feel like being part of a whole (Carr 1987). They ‘were intended to demonstrate the idea that the individual should make his [sic] personal interests and abilities subservient to the common good’ (Carr 1987: 88). The collective gymnastics exercises can be considered to be a physical symbol of expressing the belonging to the gymnasts’ community. Drawing on Cohen (1985), the gymnastics festivals in nineteenth-century Europe were a distinctive set of physical and non-physical rituals. They constituted and confirmed the meaning of and belonging to the community, expressed both physically and non-physically, serving the political aim to raise national awareness and devotion.

The growing internationalization of the national gymnastics festivals: paving the way for the World Gymnaestrada Collective displays of several hundred gymnasts still feature prominently in the programs of both today’s World Gymnaestrada and the contemporary national gymnastics festivals in a number of European countries. The national gymnastics festivals have kept with the times; they have adapted their character and programmes to the changing social, political and cultural conditions (Kihlmark and Widlund 2010; Krüger 2011). Particularly, the national gymnastics festivals acquired an increasingly international flavour. From the second half of the nineteenth century onwards, the organizers of national gymnastics festivals started to invite delegations from abroad to attend and take part (Kihlmark and Widlund 2010; Lindroth 2006; Krüger 2011). Invitations were initially sent to neighbouring countries: a Finnish delegation was invited to participate in the fourth Swedish gymnastics festival held in Stockholm in 1882 (Lindroth 2006); the same year, clubs from other Slavic countries, such as Poland and Croatia, were asked to participate in the first Slet in Prague (Nolte 2002). Particularly in the latter case, these invitations were politically motivated, expressing Tyrš’s aspiration for a pan-Slavic identity that should encompass the Sokol movements in all Slavic countries (Nolte 2002). The trend towards internationalizing the national gymnastics festivals has grown until today. In Germany, for example, the Turnfest in Berlin 2005 was officially labelled ‘International German Gymnastics Festival’ (Krüger 2011) and attracted participants from countries such as Denmark, Slovenia and Japan. The internationalization of the national gymnastics festivals in general, and in particular the Swedish ones, laid the foundation for a worldwide gymnastics event, the World Gymnaestrada. In 1939, several weeks before the outbreak of World War II, the Swedish Gymnastics Federation held an international gymnastics event in Stockholm to commemorate and honour the founder of Swedish gymnastics, Per Henrik Ling, who had passed away

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100 years earlier (Kihlmark and Widlund 2010; Mechbach and Lundquist Waneberg 2011). The so-called Lingiad attracted 7,399 participants from 12 countries (Mechbach and Lundquist Waneberg 2011). The Lingiad was meant to offer gymnasts from all over the world the opportunity to celebrate the diversity of gymnastics in a non-competitive environment, where all participants should see, meet and learn from each other (Kihlmark and Widlund 2010). When the event took place again in Stockholm 10 years later, in 1949, along with a gymnastics and health conference, the poor weather conditions prevented many spectators from attending. Consequently, the second Lingiad was a financial disaster and holding it again was out of the question (Kihlmark and Widlund 2010). During this event, however, the International Gymnastics Federation (FIG) held their general assembly. There, the idea of an international non-competitive gymnastics event emerged (Kihlmark and Widlund 2010; Mechbach and Lundquist Waneberg 2011). The first World Gymnaestrada took place in Rotterdam in 1953, attracting 5,000 participants from 14 nations (Mechbach and Lundquist Waneberg 2011; Schwirtz 2006). Underpinned by the philosophy of Gymnastics For All and the original ideas of the Lingiad, the World Gymnaestrada aims to promote and celebrate the diversity of gymnastics in a non-competitive environment. Participation is open to anybody, regardless of age, gender, ethnicity, nationality or skill level (Schwirtz 2006). Collective displays of all forms of gymnastics are a means to build bridges between the different facets of gymnastics as well as between the gymnasts themselves. Groups present their displays under their local club names; other shows are performed by gymnasts from different clubs, who rehearse together on a regional level. In national large group performances, at least 200 gymnasts from one gymnastics federation perform their display together. After rehearsing on a club level, then locally, regionally and finally on a national level, these displays enable participants to enjoy the feeling of performing as national representation. The collective displays at the World Gymnaestrada are considered to be a symbol of the gymnastics movement in the respective country, expressing each nation’s identity. The belonging to the nation, an ‘imagined community limited by territorial boundaries’ (Tomlinson 2002: 80), can still be experienced in a physical way. At the same time, the World Gymnaestrada is also a platform where the boundaries between the local, regional and national have become blurred. It is a common and popular ritual to exchange clothes and symbols that identify one’s national background. Coming across Swedish Gymnasts who wear a t-shirt of their local club, a jacket of their national delegation and trousers of the German delegation, while waving a Czech flag, is not unusual. As soon as the opening ceremony is over, exchanging clothes is an important element of the festival week that challenges the rigid way in which the concept of national identity was dealt with during the nineteenth-century gymnastics festivals. This practice illustrates a playful approach towards national identity as it reveals itself among the participants in today’s World Gymnaestrada.

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Drawing on Cohen (1985), the programme offers a series of rituals that are a means through which the sense of belonging to an international community, namely global gymnastics, can be expressed, experienced and reinforced.

Conclusion The national gymnastics festivals in nineteenth-century Europe combined mass participation in gymnastics with social, cultural and political activities. They had clearly identifiable political agendas that went far beyond physical fitness, health and recreation. These festivals played a significant role in the development and consolidation of distinctive national identities in various countries and, thus, helped to undermine and question the existing power structures and territorial fragmentation in nineteenth-century Europe. Drawing on Tomlinson’s (2002) notion of national identity, the festivals were used to both express and experience belonging to a community delimited by territorial boundaries. This came to the fore in the mass gymnastics displays, where the sense of national belonging unfolded in the form of collective physical movements. The fusing of Tomlinson’s understanding (2002) of national identity with Cohen’s theory of the symbolic construction of community (1985) offers valuable insight into the role gymnastics festivals have played as catalysts of the gymnastics movements and their engagement with political issues. The increasing internationalization in the twentieth century paved the way for the development of the World Gymnaestrada that continues to favour collective, non-competitive displays. In spite of social change, the collective displays still provide a means to express and experience national identity in a physical way. Yet while the gymnastics festivals in the nineteenth century were explicitly concerned with the concepts of nation and national identity, participants in today’s World Gymnaestrada are dealing with these issues in a much more flexible way. The Gymnaestrada is a space where local, regional and national boundaries have become blurred. Underpinned by the inclusive Gymnastics For All philosophy, the event aims at building bridges and fostering understanding between people. A form of playfulness that may reflect the overall coming together of nations on a global scale has replaced the rigid approach towards national identity. Participation is a means through which the belonging to the international gymnastics community can be expressed and experienced. Framed by the impact of social change on a community and the role rituals play in this context, today’s World Gymnaestrada reveals itself as a space where belonging to the international gymnastics community is equally or even more important than belonging to a nation.

Bibliography Bonde, H. (2003) ‘Gymnastik og national identitet. Svensk og dansk gymnastik med særligt henblik på Niels Bukh’. Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 2 March 2010).

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Carr, G. A. (1987) ‘The Spartakiad: Its approach and modification from the mass displays of the Sokol’, Canadian Journal of History of Sport, 18(1): 86–97. Cohen, A. P. (1985) The Symbolic Construction of Community, Chichester: Ellis Horwood Limited. Craig, G. A. (1983) Geschichte Europas 1815–1980, München: C. H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung. Düding, D. (1984) Organisierter gesellschaftlicher Nationalismus in Deutschland (1808–1847), München: R. Oldenbourg Verlag. Eisenberg, C. (1996) ‘Charismatic nationalist leader: Turnvater Jahn’, International Journal of the History of Sport, 13(1): 14–27. ——(1999). ‘English sports’ und deutsche Bürger: Eine Gesellschaftsgeschichte, Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh. Hamerow, T. S. (1983) The Birth of a New Europe. State and Society in the Nineteenth Century. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. Hofmann, A. (2009) ‘From Jahn to Lincoln: Transformation of Turner symbols in a new cultural setting’, International Journal of the History of Sport, 26(13): 1946–62. Kihlmark, O. and Widlund, T. (2010) ‘Svenska Gymnastikförbundets historia. Gymnastikförbundet’. Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 4 April 2012). Krüger, M. (1993) Einführung in die Geschichte der Leibeserziehung und des Sports. Teil 2: Leibeserziehung im 19. Jahrhundert. Turnen fürs Vaterland, Schorndorf: Verlag Karl Hofmann. ——(1996a) ‘Body culture and nation building: the history of gymnastics in Germany in the period of its foundation as a nation-state’, International Journal of the History of Sport, 13(3): 409–17. ——(1996b) Körperkultur und Nationsbildung: Die Geschichte des Turnens in der Reichsgründungsära – eine Detailstudie über die Deutschen, Schorndorf: Verlag Karl Hofmann. ——(1998) Von Klimmzügen, Aufschwüngen und Riesenwellen. 150 Jahre Gymnastik, Turnen, Spiel und Sport in Württemberg – Jubiläumsschrift des Schwäbischen Turnerbundes, Tübingen: Silberburg-Verlag. ——(2005) Einführung in die Geschichte der Leibeserziehung und des Sports. Teil 3: Leibesübungen im 20. Jahrhundert. Sport für alle, Schorndorf: Verlag Karl Hofmann. ——(2011) ‘Turnfeste zwischen National-und Erlebniskultur’, in A. Hofmann (ed.) 200 Jahre Turnbewegung – 200 Jahre soziale Verantwortung, Frankfurt: Deutscher Turner Bund DTB. Lindroth, J. (2006) Idrott for kung och fosterland. Den svenska idrottens fader. Viktor Balck 1844–192, Stockholm: SISU Idrottsböcker. Mechbach, J. and Lundquist Waneberg, P. (2011) ‘The World Gymnaestrada – a noncompetitive event – the concept “Gymnastics for All” from the perspective of Ling gymnastics’, Scandinavian Sports Studies Forum, 2: 99–118. Merkel, U. (2003) ‘The politics of physical culture and German nationalism: Turnen versus English sports and French Olympism, 1871–1914’, German Politics and Society, 21(2): 69–96. Nolte, C. E. (2002) The Sokol in the Czech Lands to 1914. Training for the Nation, New York: Palgrave MacMillan. Ohmann, O. (2008) Turnvater Jahn und die Deutschen Turnfeste, Erfurt: Sutton Verlag.

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Olofsson, E. (1989) Har kvinnorna en sportslig chans? Den svenska idrottsrörelsen och kvinnorna under 1900-talet, Umeå: Pedagogiska institutionen, Umeå Universitet. Pfister, G. (2003) ‘Cultural confrontations: German Turnen, Swedish gymnastics and English sport – European diversity in physical activities from a historical perspective’, Sport in Society, 6(1): 61–91. Roche, M. (2000) Mega-Events and Modernity: Olympics and Expos in the Growth of Global Culture, London: Routledge. Salmi, H. (2008) Nineteenth-Century Europe. A Cultural History, Cambridge: Polity Press. Schwirtz, K.-H. (2006) History of General Gymnastics, Moutier: Fédération Internationale de Gymnastique. Tomlinson, J. (2002) Cultural Imperialism: A Critical Introduction, London: Continuum. Trangbæk, E. (2005) ‘Swedish gymnastics: An educational system with different meanings’, in G. Gori and T. Terret (eds) Sport and Education in History. Proceedings of the 8th ISHPES International Society for the History of Physical Education and Sport Congress, Urbino, Italy, 9–13 July 2003: 165–76. Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag. Woltmann, B. (1997) ‘Zur Geschichte des tscheschischen und des polnischen Sokol bis zum Jahr 1914’, in P. Heumos (ed.) Polen und die böhmischen Länder im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. Politik und Gesellschaft im Vergleich. Proceedings of the 1997 Conference Hosted by the Collegium Carolinum, Bad Wiessee, Germany, 15–17 November: 27–42. München: R. Oldenbourg Verlag. Zieschang, K. (1973) Vom Schützenfest zum Turnfest. Die Entstehung des Deutschen Turnfestes unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Einflüsse von F.L. Jahn, Würzburg: Dissertationsdruck Schmitt & Meyer.

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World Expos and global power relations Jayne Luscombe

Often cited as the world’s first truly global events (Rydell 2011), World Expositions/Fairs1 have brought international communities together to showcase human progress in art, science and technology. They commenced with the Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations in London’s Hyde Park in 1851 (Jackson 2008). Throughout their 160-year history, World Fairs have reflected and shaped their social, cultural, political and economic environments. The focus of the early expositions was on trade, then increasingly on leisure, but it would be too simplistic to conceive of them as merely trade shows, international conventions or roaming fun fairs (Knight 1992). As Benedict (1983: 2) explains: The Great Exhibition, like the many international expositions or world’s fairs that followed it, was a phenomenon of industrial capitalism. Mass producers sought international mass markets for their goods, and world’s fairs provided display cases reaching millions of potential customers. But the fairs were not only selling goods, they were selling ideas: ideas about the relations between nations, the spread of education, the advancement of science, the form of cities, the nature of domestic life, the place of art in society. Knight (1992: 23) likens World Fairs to a ‘giant theatre – or a great multiplicity of theatres – in which each nation projects the image of itself that it wishes others to have of it’. For example, Harvey (1998) suggests that visitors to Seville’s World Expo in 1992 were asked to imagine a new world order with Spain, its autonomous regions and former Latin American colonies at the centre of the world. This was a departure from increasing European integration at the time with the signing of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. The most recent World Expo, in Shanghai in 2010, allowed China to showcase the strength of the Chinese economy, and to assert a positive image on sustainable development in urban areas by selecting and responding to the theme, ‘Better City, Better Life’ (Lamberti et al. 2011: 1477). Due to their scale, and impact on the host city, these events have commonly been categorized as mega-events alongside FIFA World Cups and the

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Olympic Games. Roche (2000: 1) defines mega-events as ‘large-scale cultural (including commercial and sporting) events which have a dramatic character, mass popular appeal and international significance’. However, many definitions of mega-events (Bowdin et al. 2008, Getz 2005, Hall 1997) stipulate that they must not only have significant impacts for the host nation, but ‘that they will attract considerable media coverage. By this definition, therefore, an unmediated mega-event would be a contradiction in terms’ (Horne and Manzenreiter 2006: 2). World Fairs, however, fail to attract the same level of global media attention as their international sporting counterparts. This is perhaps due to difficulties in sustaining interest over their minimum sixmonth duration, or, as Hall (2006) suggests, it is a consequence of an increasingly significant role of sporting mega-events in urban redevelopment and place competition relative to that of World Fairs. As complex ‘nodes in the course of history’ (Geppert 2010: 3), the World Exhibitions are too multifaceted, complicated and fragmented to meet the global media’s need for a simple narrative to portray. Hall’s (2006) argument of a relative decline in the appeal of World Fairs fails to account for their prolonged existence and an increase in candidate cities seeking to host future World Fairs (Gonzales Loscertales 2008). Cities bidding to host the event proclaim and expect positive socioeconomic, cultural, physical and political legacies for the home nation, and view them as catalysts to ‘introduce infrastructural improvements, boost cultural sectors, attract tourists, create employment, regenerate blighted areas and score points over their rivals’ (Gold and Gold 2005: 7). Although World Fairs may not attract the required media attention, they remain worthy of closer investigation. As a ‘simulation of the world in one place’ (Knight 1992: 23), the events provide rich texts to examine many aspects of human life at particular moments as ‘they have expressed the quintessence of each generation’s understanding of its past and consistently aimed to select and display the best of the present’ (Jackson 2008: 7). Their sustained longevity provides fertile opportunities to understand processes of social change, and to examine worlds ordered by powerful elites. Despite considerable growth of ‘exposition studies’ in the last 20 years (Geppert 2010), World Fairs have failed to attract significant attention from scholars in the emerging field of event management. This chapter responds to this shortfall, recognizing exhibitions as ‘potent mechanisms in the construction and visualization of power relationships’ (Auerbach and Hoffenberg 2008: xii). It focuses particularly on the ‘ideas about relations between nations’ (Benedict 1983: 2) being sold to domestic and international audiences. A critical, historical analysis of the ‘ideas’ embodied within the expositions will focus on power and, in particular, economic power within a globalized world system. By examining changing global power relationships embodied within the World Expos, this chapter will discuss the ways in which early exhibitions reinforced a vision of Western economic wealth and dominance (Gold and Gold 2005) in an increasingly global world. Through the

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analysis, this chapter will argue that the three eras of imperialism, Americanization and de-polarization can be identified which reflect societal changes synonymous with processes of internationalization, globalization and a changing world order.

Imperialism and international exhibitions: 1851–early twentieth century Although people have been coming together for trade and exchange of knowledge for centuries, the Great Exhibition (1851) is often attributed as the start of an international exhibition movement that cascaded through the Western and developing worlds at an increasingly rapid pace (Rydell 2011). According to Findling and Pelle (2008), 14 World Exhibitions were held in the first 30 years after 1851, but during the next 30 years, that figure more than trebled to 44 between 1882 and 1912. During 1883, exhibitions were running in Amsterdam, Boston, Calcutta and Louisville concurrently. 1897 proved to be another popular year for hosting an exhibition, with Guatemala City, Nashville, Brussels and Stockholm hosting overlapping events. The rush to organize international exhibitions was based on the success of the 1851 Great Exhibition with its ‘strong emphasis on industrial development and commercial liberalization’ (Davis 2008: 10) and the exhibition genre’s perceived foreign and domestic policy benefits. The early Great Exhibitions and World Fairs were deliberately designed as ‘attempts to resolve a crisis of change, to mediate political and social tensions’ (Hoffenberg 2001: 2) brought about by the rapid social, economic and political developments emanating from the industrial revolution, imperial expansions and more liberal trade arrangements. With an emphasis on peace, progress and prosperity through technological advancement and liberalization of trade, the early world exhibitions were seized upon as an important political communication instrument. They represented a version of reality highly mediated and constructed by the political and industrial elites as reflections of their particular moments in time (Rydell 2011). The international political economy of the mid-nineteenth century was characterized by trading networks based in Western Europe and Great Britain spreading through colonies and new territories. Colonization in the preceding decades had resulted in Europeans occupying or controlling 67 per cent of the land surface of the world in 1878, with this figure rising to over 84 per cent by 1914 (Kennedy 1990). Coupled with liberal policies of free trade, colonization activities provided imperial powers with easy access to cheap raw materials. As a result, industrially advanced nations were able to produce huge quantities of cheap manufactured goods, and then sell them into the newly unprotected poorer, agriculturally based economies, such as India and China. Economically beneficial to the industrial powerhouses of the Westernized world, this arrangement led to uneven trading relationships across the globe, some of which remain to this day. To the amassed audiences of the

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great exhibitions, these economic relations were represented in a manner befitting of liberalism as an ideological paradigm in which free trade and capitalism are essentially harmonious, encourage specialization and exploitation of comparative advantage. Greater wealth is thereby generated through worldwide production in a global market. Many of these trading relationships were reflected in the imperial exhibitions of the time as pre-1914 Fairs openly presented and integrated political themes into the displays (Greenhalgh 1989). These emphasized capitalism as the optimal system of economic organization and imperial foreign policy activities as the means to achieve this. The power to harness resources from colonies was proudly displayed by commercial enterprises in their exhibits of extractive industries, manufacturing technologies and businesses involved in importing goods, such as tea and cocoa from the colonies (Mackenzie 1984). At a time when support for colonial acquisitions and defence of existing colonies was starting to fade, and seen by some as a ‘set of millstones around the neck of the overburdened British taxpayer’ (Kennedy 1990: 199) the exhibitions also saw the proliferation of propaganda materials, such as posters, programmes and photographs, to persuade people of the benefits of investing in imperial activities. Visitors were attracted to these events in significant numbers because of the nature of the exhibitions, which offered a combination of education and entertainment, and the lack of modern communication technology alternatives (Geppert 2010). Visitors could also collect memories of the events through many of the leaflets, programmes and photographs that could now be produced at relatively low cost. ‘The educative and propagandist message could now be taken home’ (Mackenzie 1984: 102). However, as Davis (2008: 13) states, ‘exhibitions were criticised for not fully representing the disadvantages and social costs of modernity and its inherent imperialist messages’ with their uncritical promotion of liberal ideologies and associated optimistic representations of capitalism for the citizens of the dominant powers. A Marxist reading of the exhibitions emphasizes capitalism’s creation of a universal economic space (Woods 2008), one that is clearly depicted and promoted in International Exhibitions. More permanent, structural power relationships of dominance and dependence between core (industrialized countries), semi-periphery and periphery of economically powerless nations (Baylis et al. 2008) are reflected in the spatial distribution of exhibits across the site. The layout of the British Empire Exhibition in 1924 provides a convincing example of these hierarchical and dependent relationships. Industrialization and capitalism was given primary status with the Palace of Industries and the Palace of Engineering dominating the site. India, Canada, Australia and New Zealand sat in a semi-circle to the south. Beyond these semi-periphery nations lay the exhibits of peripheral nations, such as Sarawak, Malaya, Bermuda, Gold Cost, Nigeria and South Africa in a variety of sizes, depicting relative contributions of their natural resources to the wealth of the Empire. The official guidebook for the 1924 British Empire Exhibition depicted this relationship between Britain, its Empire, dominions,

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colonies, dependencies and protectorates not as an exploitative or dominant regime, but instead as a nurturing matriarchal family: The fundamental purpose of the British Empire Exhibition is serious. It is to stimulate trade, to strengthen the bonds that bind the Mother Country to her Sister States and Daughter Nations, to bring all into closer touch the one with the other, to enable all who owe allegiance to the British flag to meet on common ground, and to learn to know each other. It is a Family Party, to which every part of the Empire is invited, and at which every part of the Empire is represented … In brief, from north to south, from east to west, Wembley presents the British Empire at the summit of its achievement. To visit the Exhibition is to visit every Continent of the Earth. (Lawrence 1924: 13) This interpretation of mother–daughter relationships across the British Empire conveniently re-imagines the world order and relegates the bloody struggles encountered in the establishment of the British Empire to mere inevitabilities for the benefit of all. Dependency theorists, such as Wallerstein and Frank, stress the hierarchical and exploitative nature of the relationships as attempts to maintain the hegemony of world capitalism (Stern 2000). It is these structural and dependent relationships that were truly celebrated and ideologically consolidated at the early international exhibitions. Domestically, industrialization was accompanied by huge social costs across Europe as workers toiled in unbearable working conditions in mines and factories, living in unhealthy and crowded urban environments. The resulting social problems gave rise to political unrest and much of the economic recession in the 1840s was attributed to inadequate industrial education and subsequent slow-down in development (Jackson 2008). The threat of increased international competition for manufactured goods from France and Germany also led to disquiet in Great Britain over free trade negotiations (Davis 2008). Against this backdrop, industrial protectionist sentiments remained vociferous against the laissez faire policies and efforts to internationalize the economy (Davis 2008). The international exhibitions attempted to counteract some of these sentiments by showcasing the spoils of the government’s politicaleconomic policies, and capital surpluses thus acquired, and also to situate the domestic underclasses within a wider perspective of imperial ‘over-classes’ (Mackenzie 1984). In other words, the British poor could be persuaded of the benefits of imperial policies through displays of people with less wealth, less advanced technologies and less education, and thereby changing perspectives of their situations in a global hierarchy of class systems. Demonstrations of power and superiority over others appeared in live ethnographic or anthropological exhibits, which became popular parts of international exhibitions after their first appearance in 1886 in the Colonial and Indian Exhibition in London (Prasch 2008). According to Benedict

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(1983), displays of people at World Fairs fell within one of several types (technicians, craftsmen, curiosities or freaks, as trophies or as specimens or scientific objects). Each of these relationships embodied different power relations between curators, exhibits/performers and publics. When displayed as trophies, the ‘powerlessness of the captive enhances the power and prestige of the captor’ (Benedict 1983: 45). During the Belgian exhibition of 1894, for example, a display of the newly colonized Congo showcased a range of imports, such as rubber, ivory, coffee and tea, that the new acquisition provided but a village was also built complete with livestock, and populated by 144 Congolese. This allowed visitors a glimpse into the world of the colonized, performing indigenous tasks and ceremonies surrounded by cultural possessions and artefacts (Stanard 2008). Not only were the Congolese shown as trophies in this exhibition but as ‘specimens or scientific objects’ (Benedict 1983: 45) as the ‘organizers made the Congolese available to scientists to be measured, photographed and studied’ (Stanard 2008: 126). They brought into focus a sense of difference and ‘otherness’ to contrast the West from the rest – the democratic, free, peaceful and wealthy from the undeveloped, simple and exotic (Hall 1992). Perhaps the most notable of the live ethnographic displays were the World Fairs held in America, which was keen ‘to demonstrate the desirability of colonialism and its importance to future American peace and prosperity’ (Rydell et al. 2000: 48) to counteract some of the anti-imperialist sentiment of presidency campaigns in 1900. The ethnographic exhibit for the 1904 Louisiana World Fair in St Louis consisted of ethnic groups from Africa, Patagonia, American Indians as well as a 47-acre village (Rydell et al. 2000), populated by over 1,000 native Filipinos living on the site. Not only was the village conceived of as an outdoor laboratory to research concepts and theories of racial hierarchies based on cranial capacities and manual dexterity (Rydell et al. 2000), but it was also designed to introduce Filipino people to the virtues of American culture. Additionally, it sought to persuade the American population of the benefits of its foreign policy through familiarizing them with the people of the Philippines and to the newly acquired access to their natural resources (Boger 2008). At the Belgian exhibition of 1894, Britain adopted a different approach to exhibiting people. The ‘Indian City’ display showcased South Asian weavers and metalworkers as technicians and craftsmen, as they ‘fashioned goods before the public’s eyes’ (Stanard 2008: 127) in traditions idealized by the exhibition organizers (Benedict, 1983). A certain level of technical development was thereby recognized in the Indian City displays. Nonetheless, these displays were mostly constructed by the imperial power that made decisions on the nature and form of the display, such as a village, a market, how authentically the architecture would echo indigenous buildings, how they should be dressed and what performances they should undertake. In other words, ‘independent peoples had their symbols chosen for them’ (Benedict 1983: 45).

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The extent to which audiences heard and fully embraced the messages from these carefully constructed displays of power remains under-researched. As Roche (2000) argues, the effects on public attitudes were ambiguous given the highly complex messages and their ‘spectacular symbolic and dramatic forms open to varied interpretations’ (Roche 2000: 76). Nonetheless, vast numbers of visitors passed through the doors of these exhibitions (approximately 225 million people between 1851 and 1900, and 50 million attended the Exposition Universelle in Paris in 1900). As MacKenzie states, ‘even if most went for the fun, some at least of the imperial propaganda cannot have failed to rub off’ (Mackenzie 1984: 97). Additionally, Rydell et al. (2000) argue that the American Fairs had a ‘formative influence on the way Americans have thought about themselves and the world in which they live’ (Rydell et al. 2000: 1). This section has discussed the relationship between the early World Fairs and imperialism, highlighting the use of the events to propagandize imperialist policies and to detract from the social and economic costs of supporting the Empire. The next section will move forward to discuss World Fairs and global power relations in the twentieth century.

Americanization, commercialization and World Fairs: the twentieth century The immense social and material costs of the two world wars devastated economies, lives and infrastructures. International economic policies in the inter- and post-war periods were determined by government indebtedness and the need to make repayments for a war financed heavily by borrowing. Europe was heavily dependent on capital finance from America to fund reconstruction and rebuild economies. After World War II, America’s economic and military power dwarfed other former leading nations. It manufactured more than half of the world’s production and held almost two-thirds of the world’s gold reserves in 1945 (Kennedy 1990). America’s economic power differed from the imperial colonization of the previous era. Rather than direct involvement, it adopted a leadership role, based on ideologies of liberalism, capitalism and democracy (Martell 2010). American hegemony was embodied in the post-war international economic institutions that sought open access to markets and allowed it to indoctrinate Europe in American commercial values, encouraging consumption and large-scale production in the pursuit of profit. During this time, there was a change in the spirit of the World Fairs. Their emphasis was shifting away from didactic displays to more immersive, experiential and emotional sites of consumption and leisure (Jackson 2008). This drift was particularly strong in America as business leaders were often the instigators, sponsors and producers of Fairs. (Rydell and Kroes 2005). Commercial pavilions rose to prominence in the 1933–34 Chicago Century of Progress Exposition (Jackson 2008; Sayers 2008; Findling 2008). The fact that this Fair also made a profit during the Great Depression persuaded business

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leaders in New York of the opportunities for an economic boost brought about by the hosting of a World Fair. The New York World Fair opened its gates in Flushing Meadows in April 1939 on the 150th anniversary of the inauguration of George Washington, in the wake of 10 years of domestic economic depression. Its themes were democracy and ‘Building the World of Tomorrow with the Tools of Today’ (Sayers 2008: 300), which provided a high-profile platform for commercial organizations to display their visions of a future world (Jackson 2008). The displays reflected capitalism as the inevitable solution to America’s economic depression and the belief that ‘increased consumption would bolster the economy and lift America out of Depression’ (Robertson 1992: 33). Fairgoers were subjected to omnipresent and inescapable (Robertson 1992: 33) commercial messages promoting consumption. Buildings were used as media for advertising – shaped as a packet of cigarettes, for example, or with a giant cash register on its roof (Robertson 1992). General Motors’ Futurama was perhaps the most notable exhibit for displaying how American corporations could build a future utopia. Seated on a conveyor belt, visitors were flown over Norman Bel Geddes’s vision of a future metropolis. Speakers set in the high-backed winged chairs introduced the ‘World of Tomorrow Seen from the World of Today’ (Anon 1939). A softly whispered narration described this future city, free from slums, and neatly ordered into residential, recreational and commercial districts (Anon 1939). Sponsored by General Motors, this journey through America’s future firmly placed the motor car at the heart of residential, commercial and recreational life. There is little doubt that these exhibits were well received and publicly endorsed by social commentators of the time. In an article for the New York Times by H.G. Wells entitled the ‘World of Tomorrow’, the author reflects on current world affairs, while simultaneously previewing the New York World Fair. In an uncertain age, he marvels at the opportunities presented by new technologies and products of the World Fair, and what these will mean for future lives (Wells 1939: 5): For the next series of budding possibilities that the World’s Fair will assemble will be a dazzling array of absolutely new materials to replace the brick, stone, timber and iron of our fathers. We have Henry Ford building motor cars out of soy bean products now and half the gadgets in a modern home are made of stuffs unheard of in 1900. At present only the gadgets. But the rest of our dwelling places will follow. In some fashion. Who can imagine the forms these new substances will take? Critics of the Fair complained of the primacy of sites within the grounds afforded to powerful companies (Sayers 2008). It was a symbol of a contemporary American culture and a mass production system that has become one of the defining features of American business (Rydell and Kroes 2005). This future was designed to meet the self-interest of the commercial sponsors,

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as the ‘most popular exhibits shepherded passive visitors through rigidly controlled displays, revealing corporate America’s plans for the future while training fairgoers to assume the limited role of expert consumers’ (Robertson 1992: 31). Visitors’ gazes were tightly controlled through the exhibits by means of conveyor belts, rotating platforms and escalators moving visitors throughout the displays, controlling what could be observed and for how long. As cultural products, World Fairs were able to challenge the spread of American culture by showcasing local heritage and traditions. Where mass culture has met with local culture, the former has been interpreted through a local lens and adapted to bring meaning to the local (Rydell and Kroes 2005). The Festival of Britain in 1951 was a celebration of the country’s achievements and cultural life in the post-war era (Atkinson 2008). Perceiving the influence of American culture as detrimental to British society, the organizers stressed a desire for exhibits and performances of local cultures and traditions, authentic representations of Britishness. Thereby the ‘local’ of Britain was directly contrasted against the spread of popular, ‘inauthentic’ American culture (Conekin 2003). The New York ‘World of Tomorrow’ Fair promoted an American good life achieved by the acquisition of material wealth (Robertson 1992). It also provided diplomatic opportunities for nation states concerned with courting American support in the worsening political situation in Europe. Cull (1997) describes the British contribution to the World Fair as a thinly disguised attempt to convince America to forego its isolationist policies of the 1930s Neutrality Acts. It created a pavilion at the New York World Fair, which emphasized tradition, quality, dependability, solidity and the ‘non-rigid character of Empire partnerships’ (Cull 1997: 332). The display of the Magna Carta in the Hall of Democracy suggested ‘that modern democracy had British origins’ (Swift 1998: 377). Together with a carefully orchestrated and hugely popular visit to the Fair by the British monarchy, Cull (1997) argues that this endeared the Americans to their transatlantic cousins and bolstered the popularity of the incumbent president at the time, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. The Soviet Union was also eager to exploit the public relations value of exhibiting at the New York World Fair (Swift 1998). In stark contrast to the consumerist utopia depicted by corporate America, the Russian displays extolled the power of its socialist system and its transformation into a modern industrialized state. ‘The Soviet people represented in the pavilion found happiness in production and the social benefits provided by the state, not in the acquisition of consumer goods. The Soviet utopia was a productionist utopia, rooted firmly in a transcendent present’ (Swift 1998: 377). In addition to displaying Soviet development and progress in the $4,000,000 pavilion, diplomats and state officials invited journalists, scientists, engineers and architects to receptions to discuss Soviet achievements in these areas as an indication of their desire to foster good relations with America (Swift 1998).

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Despite some criticism of Soviet art, the American public and press reacted favourably to the Russian pavilion, and it was considered the most popular of the foreign exhibits (Swift 1998). This sentiment, however, was to change with the Soviet invasion of Finland at the end of 1939 and its rapid withdrawal from the World Fair. The ideological conflict of the Cold War was played out in the midtwentieth century World Fairs. The World Fairs in Brussels (1958), Montreal (1967) and Osaka (1970) provided high-profile platforms for ideological battles, and ‘such events provided the only real opportunity for the superpowers to confront each other directly and present their different versions of the future’ (Jackson 2008: 36). With nearly 42 million visitors (Rydell 2008), the 1958 World Fair in Belgium’s capital was the first major event after World War II. At the time of the Fair, scientific technologies had resulted in a world divided by two nuclear superpowers embroiled in a bitter competition for space travel as well as political ideologies of individualism, freedom of choice and market economics versus collectivism and command economies. The Soviet Union brought Sputnik to the Belgian Fair, thereby flaunting their victory in the race to outer space (Rydell 2008). Their display was dominated by images of Lenin and ‘designed to reveal Soviet successes in the realm of science and technology and to convince the public that the country was about to outstrip the United States of America in the production of manufactured goods’ (Jackson 2008: 111). The nearby American Pavilion, on the other hand, maintained consumerist ideologies by displaying a plenitude of American consumer goods (Jackson 2008). Its open structure signified ‘strength and openness of American society’ (Rydell 1993: 201) and the contents were designed to: shock fairgoers into seeing America as a society where science and technology, in tandem with corporations and the federal government, had refashioned anxieties about nuclear power and automation into a dream world premised on the freedom to consume and spend time in the pursuit of leisure. (Rydell 1993: 203) By the time of the World Fair in Osaka in 1970, the space race had reached its pinnacle. Both the Soviet Union and the United States displayed spacerelated technology prominently. However, only America was able to exhibit a real piece of moon rock (Jackson 2008). World Fairs form part of America’s cultural industries producing ideologically underpinned cultural forms and practices to mass markets both home and abroad (Rydell and Kroes 2005). American hegemony manifested itself most evidently in displays of both consumerism and the ideological battle between liberalism and socialism, capitalism and command economies. It could be argued that the battleground of the World Fairs had served their purpose in Japan in 1970, thereby symbolizing supremacy of scientific and

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technological progress under a liberal system. America was also the most prolific host of World Fairs between 1902 and 2010, accounting for one-third of World Fairs (Findling and Pelle 2008) while, for obvious reasons, the USSR and its Eastern European allies did not host any.

De-polarization: late twentieth century to date Much of America’s power in the post-World War II era emanated from the strength of its military apparatus (America accounted for more than 40 per cent of world military expenditure (Blair and Curtis 2009)) and its position as the world’s largest economy (Martell 2010). However, the longer-term economic trends from the middle of the twentieth century indicate a relative decline in the American economy when compared to faster growing Asian, European and Indian economies (Kennedy 1990). Blair and Curtis (2009) suggest that with America preoccupied with its political and military battles, such as the Cold War and Vietnam, other countries, like Japan and West Germany, were able to focus on their economic development. The formation and continued consolidation of trading blocs, such as the European Union, the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and Latin America’s Common Market of the South (Mercosur), as well as growth from the BRIC economies (Brazil, Russia, India and China) has also diluted American economic and political dominance. This has led to a world order characterized by ‘military unipolarity and economic multipolarity’ (Blair and Curtis 2009: 119). The most notable changes in World Expos that reflect global power relations in this era concern the geographical distribution of their host cities, in particular America’s withdrawal from the event when it had previously been the most prolific host. The 1982 World Fair in Knoxville, Tennessee, was a resounding success according to those who attended, but its reputation was seriously tarnished by bankruptcy, consumer fraud and failure to keep promises to revitalize downtown Knoxville (Kramer 2008). Political concerns regarding the World Fair movement then culminated in the Reagan administration (1981–89) withdrawing any future financial support for World Fairs. The Louisiana World Fair, in 1984, was funded by a partnership between local business elites, city and state legislatures. As the Fair was a financial disaster, the resulting negative publicity made it untenable for America to host World Fairs thereafter (Gotham 2010). Furthermore, poor quality American exhibitions at Seville in 1992 resulted in a law passed in 1994 which prohibited the use of public funds for American pavilions abroad (Maloney 2008). America’s withdrawal from World Fairs coincided with the participation of new hosts and exhibitors. In 1993, Daejon hosted the first Expo in South Korea and the first by a newly developed nation (McGregor 2008). Five years after hosting the Summer Olympics in Seoul, the Korean venture into World Expos sought to consolidate its status to that of an advanced industrial nation

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and with 108 international governments, 33 United Nations organizations, the International Olympic Committee, the European Community in attendance and 14 million visitors (McGregor 2008), it could reasonably be argued that this was successfully achieved. From May to August 2012, South Korea staged its second World Expo in Yeosu. Germany organized a World Expo in Hanover in 2000. Apart from the Berliner Gewerbeausstellung in 1896, it is the only event of this nature to be held in Germany (Findling and Pelle 2008, Geppert 2010); 173 countries exhibited at the event, two-thirds of which were from the world’s least developed countries with no previous experience of exhibiting in World Expos (Maloney 2008). Additional entrants into the event genre can be identified from the list of candidate cities seeking to host future events. Kazakhstan has submitted a bid to host the 2017 Expo, and Brazil, Russia, Thailand, Turkey and United Arab Emirates are currently the candidate countries for the 2020 World Expo (Bureau International des Expositions 2012). This dispersion of hosts across the world directly reflects the increasingly global membership of the Bureau International des Expositions (BIE). In July 2012, the BIE had 161 members, the most recent of which, Afghanistan and Montenegro, finalized their membership in June and July 2012 respectively. The BIE is an intergovernmental body that is responsible for all regulatory aspects of the Expos, including timing, bidding, hosting and providing intellectual resources to host cities and nations. Throughout its 80-year history, amendments have been made to its original protocols which have facilitated and encouraged the wider geographical spread of the Expos (Gonzales Loscertales 2008) as a more equal reflection of its increasingly global membership. The BIE has steadily adopted a universal outlook as the world around it experiences the effects of globalization. As worldwide challenges have emerged, such as sustainable development, global warming and international food markets, which transcend national borders, the BIE has sought to use Expos as vehicles to foster inclusive dialogues in order to find transnational solutions to these comprehensive issues. It has three missions that it strives to fulfil: first, ‘to display the latest achievements of human civilization’; second, ‘to draw attention to the problems facing mankind’ and, finally, ‘to contribute to the solution of these problems’ (Bureau International des Expositions 2012). To be successful in a bid to host a World Expo, a member state must propose a theme that is of global interest and addresses a major issue for the future of civilization (Gonzales Loscertales 2008). Recent themes have included the effects of increasing global urbanization (Shanghai 2010), human impacts on the planet’s oceans and coastal environments (Yeosu 2012), and the World Expo in Milan 2015 will address global food security in its theme entitled ‘Feeding the planet, energy for life’. The BIE’s mission for World Expos portray a utopian world in which nations, NGOs and businesses collaborate without sufficient acknowledgement of the political aspects of today’s events. China’s involvement in World Fairs provides a critical and complex study of Expos and global power relations. Shanghai’s bid to host the 2010 World Expo was ‘considered as an

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opportunity to develop public diplomacy, to reach out to other nations and world organizations, and to showcase China as an emerging economic power’ (Yu et al. 2012: 48). With an attendance of 73.08 million, public financing of $45 billion and a site of 528 hectares (Yu et al. 2012), the Shanghai World Expo was larger, more expensive and visited by more people than any previous event. Following on from the Beijing Olympic Games in 2008, the Shanghai World Expo created opportunities for the world to see China’s industrial growth and arrival as a world economic power. Just before the current economic crisis, in 2007, China’s annual GDP growth was 14.2 per cent, compared to 9.8 per cent for India, 3.3 per cent for Germany and 1.9 per cent for the United States (World Bank 2012). Nordin (2012) argues that the Shanghai Expo confirmed the Chinese economic rise but also depicted a future where China is ‘no longer second in the world, but rises to be the benevolent leader of a new harmonious world’ (Nordin 2012: 236). As in previous events, the Shanghai Expo reinforced the concept of the nation state through the prevalence of national pavilions. The physical layout of the pavilions, and their vastly differing quality, reinforced images of a new global structure with China at the core, rather than at the periphery, or semi-periphery: As in global development, China financially supported ‘less-developed’ states in a way that visually emphasized the impressive scale and central location of the Chinese pavilion and reaffirmed China as a ‘helper’ and ‘developer’ ahead of the ‘helped’ and ‘developing’ states at the Expo site periphery. (Nordin 2012: 241) Not only did China position itself at the centre and as a leader of this new world order, it also sought to present a harmonious, unified and cosmopolitan society. Drawing on the work of well-known citizen intellectuals, Callaghan (2012) argues that the official portrayal of China at the Expo was overly simplistic, as it masked the multilayered and complex political, ethnic and economic divisions of the Chinese population. In addition, Cull (2012) reminds us of the human cost in terms of displacement for the construction of a now sadly derelict site with few plans evident for redevelopment. A more global distribution of Expos may be reflective of the wider BIE membership, but Foley et al. (2011) offer an alternative interpretation. They state that the growth of emerging nations hosting mega-events, such as the Olympic Games and the FIFA World Cup, is an indication of change in the ‘accepted world order for mega events’ (Foley et al. 2011: 321) and attribute this trend to changes in patterns of demand to host mega-events. In particular, the pre-eminence given to an economic rationale for place making and promotion in a post-industrialist era when nation states compete for visibility on a global stage. In addition, there has been a policy shift within the governing bodies, such as the International Olympic Committee, towards the potential for, rather than the pre-existence of, capabilities to host such

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events (Foley et al. 2011). When discussing the domestic political context of the new entrants, Foley et al. (2011) conclude that less democratic states can readily respond to governing bodies’ requirements for ever more spectacular and unique mega-events. This is because they are better equipped to control and deploy the huge resources required to host such events. As a result, they argue that it is more difficult to host an event in a fully democratic environment. The magnitude of both the Shanghai Expo and the 2008 Beijing Olympics, and the associated public spending and displacement of people from their homes and businesses, would seemingly support this view. Given the discussion above about American hegemony and the spread of its capitalist and democratic ideologies, China’s growth stems from alternative policies, ‘experimenting with pools of capitalism while under the control of a strong centralized Communist Party, and providing another model of capitalism differentiating as much as homogenizing the world’ (Martel 2010: 155). The Shanghai World Expo in 2010, therefore, signifies a broader development; that is, the de-polarizing world order in which America’s economic power has diminished as other national economies, such as China’s, have grown.

Conclusion This chapter has examined the relationship between World Fairs and the changing international political and economic environment, recognizing that Fairs sell, among many other things, ideas about relations between nations (Benedict 1983). It is one of the most enduring, multidimensional and political event genres of modern times, and successful production of a World Fair requires access to substantial resources. Yet, investigation of this event remains limited within the nascent discipline of event management. This chapter has advocated that they be read as rich texts to examine human life, and how social, political and economic elites choose to represent themselves and that they should be conceived as ‘potent mechanisms in the construction and visualization of power relationships’ (Auerbach and Hoffenberg 2008: xii). By examining changing global power relationships embodied within the events, this chapter identified three eras of imperialism, Americanization and de-polarization as trends that reflect the societal changes synonymous with processes of globalization and a changing world order. The discussion presented examples of how the exhibitions echoed the wider world’s preoccupation with imperial power and political propaganda required to foster support for the foreign policies in an age of imperialism. Dominance – dependence relationships were exposed, celebrated, justified and reinforced as the West was keen to demonstrate power over the world’s natural resources, such as coal, tea and coffee; power over newly acquired territories and their people; and economic supremacy over other nation states. The contemporary context was one of an increasingly global economy, with the relationship between the early World Expos and the international economy being described (by Georg Simmel) as ‘at once condition and consequence of

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current globalizing processes as well as pivotal to the very modernity that global capitalism depended upon for its universalizing effects’ (Simmel cited in Geppert 2010: 2). The spread of capitalism was further stimulated in the twentieth century that was dominated by the United States. The Western world relied heavily on American capital to finance reconstruction and economic redevelopment, which, in turn, required a buoyant consumer economy. This fostered a proliferation of American-style mass consumption and production that was simultaneously embraced and rejected in the World Fairs of New York in 1939 and the Festival of Britain in 1951. While the Americanization of culture may have faced resistance, American influence on the international political stage was much more prevalent in the staging of exhibits at World Fairs. In 1939, the Soviet Union attended the New York World Fair with the intention of showcasing socialist and economic progress, with a view to fostering good relations with America. However, as international relations dramatically worsened between the two countries, the World Fairs provided a high-profile and public front line for struggles between the opposing ideologies. More recently, as American economic power has declined in relation to other nations and trading blocs, the world’s power relations have become less polarized. More autocratic nation states, such as China, Russia and the United Arab Emirates, are now participating in World Fairs. In addition to a change in policy from the governing body, this also represents an adoption of capitalism, but not of a liberal or democratic approach to government. Economic imperatives, rather than social and cultural development, have provided the rationales to commit significant resources to the hosting of events of this scale. For some, World Expos are obsolete and have no place in today’s hi-tech media-driven world. However, with the opportunities to promote domestic economic and political capabilities provided by these events in an increasingly global context, it is not surprising that developing countries are now lining up to host them. The mini-worlds constructed in today’s Expos provide insights into the political desires of host nations and, as such, continue to provide significant grounds for further investigation.

Note 1 Throughout their history, these international exhibitions have variously been referred to as World Fairs, Exhibitions, Expositions and Expos. For clarification, the term ‘fair’ derives from the events held during the early to mid-twentieth century in the United States of America with their stronger focus on participatory entertainment and leisure, while ‘exhibition’, ‘exposition’ and ‘expos’ reflect the British and European terminology for the events, particularly those governed by the Parisbased Bureau International des Expositions (BIE), with a stronger focus on didactic exhibits of industrial innovation and social progress. The terms, however, will be used interchangeably throughout this chapter.

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Bibliography Anon (1939) ‘Fair visitors “fly” over U.S. of 1960’, New York Times, 19 April. Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 18 June 2012). Atkinson, H. (2008) ‘London 1951: The Festival of Britain’, in J. E. Findling and K. D. Pelle (eds) Encyclopedia of World’s Fairs and Expositions, Jefferson: McFarland & Company Inc., 316–18. Auerbach, J. A. and Hoffenberg, P. H. (2008) Britain, the Empire, and the World at the Great Exhibition of 1851, Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Limited. Baylis, J., Smith, S. and Owens, P. (eds) (2008) The Globalization of World Politics, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Benedict, B. (1983) The Anthropology of World’s Fairs: San Francisco’s Panama Pacific International Exposition of 1915, Berkeley, CA: Scolar Press. Blair, A. and Curtis, S. (2009) International Politics: An Introductory Guide, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Boger, A. (2008) ‘St Louis 1904: Louisiana Purchase International Exposition’, in J. E. Findling and K. D. Pelle (eds) Encyclopedia of World’s Fairs and Expositions, Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., 171–78. Bowdin, G., Allen, J., O’Toole, W., Harris, R. and McDonnell, I. (2008) Events Management, Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann. Bureau International des Expositions (2012) ‘Candidates for Expo 2017 and Expo 2020’. Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 23 June 2012). Callaghan, W. A. (2012) ‘Shanghai’s alternative futures: the World Expo, citizen intellectuals, and China’s new civil society’, China Information, 26: 251–73. Conekin, B. (2003) The Autobiography of a Nation: The 1951 Festival of Britain, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Cull, N. J. (1997) ‘Overture to an alliance: British propaganda at the New York World’s Fair, 1939–40’, Journal of British Studies, 36: 325–54. ——(2012) ‘The legacy of the Shanghai Expo and Chinese public diplomacy’, Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 8, 99–101. Davis, J. R. (2008) ‘London 1851: The Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations’, in J. E. Findling and K. D. Pelle (eds) Encyclopedia of World’s Fairs and Expositions, Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., 9–15. Findling, J. E. (2008) ‘Chicago 1933–34: “A Century of Progress Exposition”’, in J. E. Findling and K. D. Pelle (eds) Encyclopedia of World’s Fairs and Expositions, Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., 268–77. Findling, J. E. and Pelle, K. D. (eds) (2008) Encyclopedia of World’s Fairs and Expositions, Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc. Foley, M., McGillivray. D. and McPherson, G. (2011) ‘Events policy: the limits of democracy’, Journal of Policy Research in Tourism, Leisure and Events, 3(3): 321–24. Geppert, A. (2010) Fleeting Cities: Imperial Expositions in Fin-de-Siecle Europe, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan. Getz, D. (2005) Event Management & Event Tourism, New York: Cognizant Communication Corporation. Gold, J. R. and Gold, M. M. (2005) Cities of Culture: Staging International Festivals and the Urban Agenda, 1851–2000, Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Limited.

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Gonzales Loscertales, V. (2008) ‘Foreword’, in J. E. Findling and K. D. Pelle (eds) Encyclopedia of World’s Fairs and Expositions, Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., 1–3. Gotham, K. (2010) ‘Resisting urban spectacle: The 1984 Louisiana World Exposition and the contradictions of mega event’, Urban Studies, 48: 197. Greenhalgh, P. (1989) ‘Education, entertainment and eolitics: lessons from the great international exhibitions’, in P. Vergo (ed) The New Museology, London: Reaktion Books, 74–98. Hall, C. M. (1997) Hallmark Tourist Events: Impacts, Management and Planning, Chichester, John Wiley & Sons. ——(2006) ‘Urban entrepreneurship, corporate interests and sports mega-events: the thin policies of competitiveness within the hard outcomes of neoliberalism’, Sociological Review, 54(2): 59–70. Hall, S. (1992) ‘The west and the rest: discourse and power’, in S. Hall and B. Giben (eds) Formations of Modernity, Oxford: Polity Press, 275–332. Harvey, P. (1998) ‘Nations on display: technology and culture in Expo ‘92’, in S. MacDonald (ed.) The Politics of Display: Museums, Science, Culture, London: Routledge, 139–58. Hoffenberg, P. (2001) An Empire on Display: English, Indian and Australian Exhibitions from the Crystal Palace to the Great War, Berkeley: University of California Press. Horne, J. and Manzenreiter, W. (2006) ‘An introduction to the sociology of sports mega-events’, in J. Horne and W. Manzenreiter (eds) Sports Mega-Events: Social Scientific Analyses of a Global Phenomenon, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 1–24. Jackson, A. (2008) Expo: International Expositions 1851–2010, London: V&A Publishing. Kennedy, P. (1990) The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000, London: Fontana Press. Knight, J. (1992) ‘Discovering the world in Seville: The 1992 Universal Exposition’, Anthropology Today, 8(5): 20–26. Kramer. C (2008) ‘Knoxville 1982: Knoxville International Energy Exposition’, in J. E. Findling and K. D. Pelle (eds) Encyclopedia of World’s Fairs and Expositions, Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., 356–60. Lamberti, L., Noci, G., Guo, J. and Zhu, S. (2011) ‘Mega-events as drivers of community participation in development countries: the case of Shanghai World Expo’, Tourism Management, 32: 1474–83. Lawrence, G. C. (ed.) (1924) The British Empire Exhibition 1924: Official Guide, London: Fleetway Press. McGregor, J. R. (2008) ‘Taejon 1993: Taejon International Exposition’, in J. E. Findling and K. D. Pelle (eds) Encyclopedia of World’s Fairs and Expositions, Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., 386–89. Mackenzie, J. M. (1984) Propaganda & Empire: The Manipulation of British Public Opinion 1880 – 1960, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Maloney, (2008) ‘Hanover 2000’, in J. E. Findling and K. D. Pelle (eds) Encyclopedia of World’s Fairs and Expositions, Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., 393–98. Martell, L. (2010) The Sociology of Globalization, Cambridge: Polity Press. Nordin, A. (2012) ‘Space for the future: exhibiting China in the world at Shanghai Expo’, China Information, 26: 235–49.

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Prasch, T. (2008) ‘London 1886: Colonial and Indian Exhibition’, in J. E. Findling and K. D. Pelle (eds) Encyclopedia of World’s Fairs and Expositions, Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., 88–92. Robertson, M. (1992) ‘Cultural hegemony goes to the fair: the case of E.L. Doctorow’s World’s Fair’, American Studies, 33(1): 31–44. Roche, M. (2000) Mega-Events and Modernity: Olympics and Expos in the Growth of Global Culture, London: Routledge. Rydell, R. W. (1993) World of Fairs: The Century of Progress Expositions, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Rydell, R. W. (2008) ‘Brussels 1958: Brussels universal and international exposition’, in J. E. Findling and K. D. Pelle (eds) Encyclopedia of World’s Fairs and Expositions, Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., 318–22. Rydell, R. W. (2011) ‘World fairs and museums’, in S. Macdonald (ed.) A Companion to Museum Studies, Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 135–51. Rydell, R. W. and Kroes, B. (2005) Buffalo Bill in Bologna: The Americanization of the World, 1869–1922, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Rydell, R. W., Findling, J. E. and Pelle, K. D. (2000) Fair America, Washington and New York: Smithsonian Books. Sayers, P. T. (2008) ‘New York 1939–40’, in J. E. Findling and K. D. Pelle (eds) Encyclopedia of World’s Fairs and Expositions, Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., 299–305. Stanard, M. G. (2008) ‘Antwerp 1894: Exposition Universelle d’Anvers/Wereldtentoonstelling’, in J. E. Findling, and K. D. Pelle (eds) Encyclopedia of World’s Fairs and Expositions, Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., 125–27. Stern, G. (2000) The Structure of International Society, London: Pinter. Swift, A. (1998) ‘The Soviet world of tomorrow at the New York World’s Fair, 1939’, Russian Review, 57: 364–79. Wells, H. G. (1939) ‘The world of tomorrow’, New York Times, 5 March, Section World’s Fair, Page AS4. Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 18 June 2012). Woods, N. (2008) ‘International political economy in an age of globalization’, in J. Baylis, S. Smith and P. Owens (eds) The Globalization of World Politics, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 242–60. World Bank (2012) ‘World Bank national accounts data’. Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 23 June 2012). Yu, L., Wang, C. and Seo, J. (2012) ‘Mega event and destination brand: 2010 Shanghai Expo’, International Journal of Event and Festival Management, 3(1): 46 – 65.

5

A short, selective history of the Gay Games Conflicts, clashes and controversies Nigel Jarvis

The Gay Games represent a significant transgressive and alternative space in the world of sport. From their grassroots inception in 1982 in San Francisco, the Games have quickly grown and developed into a global phenomenon that celebrates lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) sport and culture. While much academic literature exists on sexuality and sport, less is known about the history and development of the Gay Games. There is little doubt that the considerable growth of gay sporting cultures over the past few decades signifies steady progress for sexual minorities in the arena of physical activity. However, this development has been accompanied by a number of conflicts, clashes and controversies, which this chapter discusses in more detail, focusing on selected socio-historical, cultural and political aspects, and resulting tensions associated with the growth of this event. The chapter is framed by two distinctive concepts, namely the legitimacy and commercialization of the Gay Games. Legitimacy in this context will refer to how the LGBT sports movement has become a desirable entity among corporations (see Suchman 1995). After the event’s origin and its rapid growth are documented, the chapter focuses on the debate over the emphasis on sport and/or culture within the Games. This is followed by an account of the increased marketability of the Games, the current split within the global gay sports movement, the ‘queering’ of the Games and, finally, the future of the event itself.

Methods In addition to a review of the literature associated with sport and more specifically gay sports events, a qualitative approach was used to further investigate the history of the Gay Games. This was achieved by undertaking two in-depth interviews. The first was with Marc Naismith, the current VicePresident for External Affairs of the Federation of Gay Games (FGG) (in Paris on 9 May 2012). The FGG is the international body that oversees the event. Marc helped provide valuable insights into some key recent and current socio-historical, cultural and political issues associated with the Games. The second was with Charlie Carson, a former Federation Board

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Officer who has been to every Games since their inception in 1982 (conducted in New York City on 13 May 2012). Both participants granted permission to tape the interviews, and agreed their names could be used in the publication of the material. Further archival material associated with the Gay Games from the Federation’s own website, along with a number of other online resources, helped to provide additional historical context and information.

The origins of the Gay Games Formal organized LGBT sports networks and related events are a recent global phenomenon. Messner (1992) noted since the outset of the gay liberation movement in the early 1970s, organized sport has become an integral part of developing lesbian and gay communities. As lesbians and gay men emerged from underground bars and other covert sites in Western industrialized nations, sport became a new place where they could be more visible and socialize. These evolving sporting sites and events served a particular function – as Warren (1974: 189) historically noted as places ‘where gay persons can freely express themselves … where the “mask” worn in straight interactions can be dropped.’ Thus, gay athletes began an appropriation of spaces (see Williams 1961), playing sport in public parks and venues, which were traditionally occupied by mainstream sporting groups and an ideology that favours and promotes heterosexuality. This created tensions and conflicts as gay men and lesbians were not originally welcomed into these places dominated by a hegemonic masculinity (see Connell 1995). The contestation and clash around space and meaning, and the aspiration and desire to acquire or provide space for new types and different forms of cultural expression, such as gay sporting events like the Gay Games, is a theme that has only emerged in the sociological and cultural analysis of modern sport over the past 15 years (Bech 1997; Symons 2010; Waitt 2003). Tom Waddell, a former successful American decathlete, conceived the original concept of the Gay Games in 1980. He ‘came out’ after his elite level sport career had finished. He saw the need for an event where people could openly participate in sport regardless of their sexuality since mainstream sport settings traditionally marginalized, discriminated or even excluded openly gay athletes (Griffin 1998; Pronger 1990; Vertinsky 2004). In 1980, he founded San Francisco Arts and Athletics (SFAA), which, in 1989, developed into the Federation of Gay Games (FGG), the international governing body composed of volunteers that ensured the continuation of the Games. Waddell originally named the event the ‘Gay Olympics’ but the United States Olympic Committee (USOC) sued over the use of the ‘Olympic’ brand, and succeeded in securing an injunction 19 days before the first Games were to begin. Hence, the event was subsequently renamed the ‘Gay Games’. According to the FGG (2012b), the battle over the right to use the term ‘Gay Olympics’ continued in the courts and was not settled until 1987, when the Supreme

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Court of the United States, in a 5–4 decision, ruled in favour of the USOC and affirmed the right to collect legal fees from Waddell. The mission of the FGG (2012a) is ‘to promote equality through the organization of the premiere international LGBT and gay-friendly sports and cultural event known as the Gay Games. They are built upon the principles of participation, inclusion and personal best.’ Participants with diverse backgrounds are encouraged to take part, regardless of age, gender, ethnicity, disability, sporting ability, HIV status and geographic origin. Less known is that straight athletes can also participate in the event, a phenomenon known as ‘inverse integration’ (Elling et al. 2001). Athletes can also apply for financial support, as part of the FGG’s human rights campaign, to help subsidize the cost of travelling to and taking part in the Games. Table 5.1 shows the Games have now taken place on three continents and experienced considerable growth in terms of the number of athletes competing, and countries and types of sports represented. Applying Roche’s (2000) dimensional typology of public events, the Games can be considered both as an international mega-event, while their city-based benefits, which are emphasized in its locale, may classify it as a hallmark event. However, the Games receive limited media coverage globally, which underpins Roche’s typology. Either way, for both the host city and the participants, the Gay Games are a significant special event with a multitude of short- and long-term social, cultural and political, as well as economic, impacts. The majority of the sports at the 2010 Games in Cologne are also offered at the Olympics. These included basketball, cycling, ice hockey, softball, triathlon, football, tennis, athletics, badminton, figure skating, sailing, volleyball and weightlifting. Some non-traditional sport events included billiards, bowling, chess, physique (bodybuilding) and dancing. Further, the Games were the first to offer golf and women’s wrestling as medal events even before they became sanctioned at the Olympics. The Gay Games constitute a powerful and public reaction to the homophobic discrimination and oppression in sport and have provided a safe space Table 5.1 The growth of the Gay Games Year

Host city

Athletes

Countries

Number of sports

1982 1986 1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010 2014

San Francisco San Francisco Vancouver New York Amsterdam Sydney Chicago Cologne Cleveland

1,300 3,500 7,300 12,500 13,000 11,000 11,500 10,000 13,000

12 17 39 40 68 80 70 70+ Not known

11 17 27 31 30 31 34 35 30

Source: (FGG 2012b)

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for participants within all categories of gender and sexuality, as well as skill level. Marc Naismith commented: You will not find the best gay athletes in the world competing at the Gay Games, instead you will find them at the Olympics … although not perhaps openly acknowledging their sexuality. The Games are just a place where all athletes can participate openly regardless of their sexuality … However, we would welcome any elite athlete to the Games as well. According to Symons (2010), the global growth and development of gay sports networks, competitions and events like the Gay Games have transformed the way gay athletes experience and understand sport. Maguire (1999) believes sport helps to unite the ‘global village’, and, in a way, the Gay Games can be seen bringing together an imagined global gay village. While this paints a positive picture, there exists a series of conflicts that have accompanied the development of this event.

The sport–culture clash Tom Waddell envisioned that the original emphasis of the Gay Games was to be strongly sport focused; however, the legal suit with the USOC brought significant media attention to the inaugural Games held in San Francisco. In addition to mainstream news coverage, the event attracted many non-sport gay organizations that wanted to take part in future Games. According to Charlie Carson, many LGBT groups in San Francisco wanted a ‘piece of the pie’, and saw the second Games to be held in 1986 in the same city as an opportunity to create a festival that was not only about sport but about gay pride. Therefore, one of the major conflicts about the Games was borne – namely the debate about whether the event should be about sport and/or culture, which is similar to other events like the Olympics (Garcia 2008; Stevenson 1997). Various Gay Games have attempted to accommodate both the separate realms of culture and sport but that has created considerable problems. Charlie Carson reported that the Games started to shift away from sport, so that by the time they went to Vancouver in 1990, the cultural aspect became equal to the sport. The organizers of the third Games in Vancouver did not originally want to use ‘Gay Games’ as part of the event, instead suggesting ‘Celebration 90’. Organizers claimed this erasure of the gay label would help in attracting government funding. Eventually, through pressure from the FGG, the Gay Games label was retained in Vancouver. Despite some of these initial deliberations about the relationship between sport and culture, the Games quickly increased in popularity in terms of the number of participants, sports and countries represented. The fourth Gay Games, held in New York City in 1994, saw further growth with a return to sport having prominence over the cultural elements. This year also coincided with the 25th anniversary of the Stonewall riots in New York,

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a defining event widely considered to be the start of the gay rights movement in the United States and the rest of the world (Armstrong and Crage 2006; Carter 2004). This meant the local Games organizers in New York could concentrate on delivering the sports programme as other cultural groups not connected to the Games focused on the Stonewall anniversary celebrations. Charlie Carson recalls the Amsterdam Games in 1998 again involved dispute over the increased emphasis on making the event much more culturally attractive, away from the primary focus on sport. This created some antagonism between the Federation and the local Dutch organizers, who attempted cohesively to merge these two separate spheres. The organizers staged many side attractions, such as art displays on floating barges, theatre productions and nightly outdoor film screenings. Many participants questioned why they were going to a Gay Games for culture, with some groups, like gay choirs, deciding not to attend an event where there was sport. Much like previous Games in New York and Vancouver, the Amsterdam event ran a large deficit with local organizers hesitant to reveal the actual figure. Charlie Carson commented the Games could normally pay for themselves if the emphasis remains on the sport; however, it is the costs of the cultural programme (opening and closing ceremonies, art displays, choirs, concerts and so on) that largely contribute to the losses. Organizers in subsequent Games in Sydney (2002) and Chicago (2006) learnt financial lessons from the past and reiterated the need to focus on sport. While financial figures are hard to come by due to some lack of transparency and strategic accounting measures, those Games nearly broke even. Charlie Carson revealed Cologne (2010) also ran a small deficit as it did have a significant cultural programme, although the emphasis remained on sport. The debate centred on the role of culture as part of a sports event, which mirrors that of the Olympics (Inglis 2008). The Olympics also have a Cultural Olympiad attached to each summer and winter Games. It is a concept protected by the International Olympic Committee, and its scale varies considerably from one host city to the next. Such programmes bring an opportunity for the hosts to embed and promote their distinct identity within the national and international arena. The Cultural Olympiad tends to be less visible compared to the sporting competitions that attract the media’s attention (Stevenson 1997). However, Miah and Garcia (2012) advocate the need for cultural federations to stand up to the elite sports industries within the Olympic movement, with a greater emphasis on the arts to be included in the modern Games. This has also occurred within the Gay Games movement since local gay cultural groups want to be associated with the event to some degree. A further conflict is that those people who are interested in staging cultural elements within a wider sports event often have little involvement or interest in sport, thus connections may be forced or superficial. As Garcia and Miah (2007) comment, there is a lack of a broader interpretation of culture, either as a platform to showcase local identities or to present the types of social concerns relevant to staging a global event. While perhaps not as pronounced

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as compared to the Olympics, the debate over the emphasis on sport and culture is still to be reconciled within the Gay Games. It is possible to argue that the Gay Games has no obligation to assist in arts development as originally conceived by Tom Waddell. On the other hand, some see the cultural events as helping to complement the existing sports, but at the same time, what type of culture gets displayed? Related cultural shows dominated by drag acts and entertainers singing disco songs provide only limited or superficial insights into the LGBT community. While some related theatre productions or conferences discussing LGBT lifestyle and sport may offer some variation at past Games, the prevalence of gay choirs, female impersonators and paintings of naked athletes may help to reinforce stereotypes about the Gay Games as an event and its participants. Mainstream sport groups and critics see these cultural aspects undermining the sporting achievements of the Games, which could be seen as lessening its legitimacy as a valid sports competition. Cleveland (2014) is planning some cultural performances including a choral festival and cheerleading demonstrations. How much of this dominates the sporting programme remains to be seen as the sport–culture clash continues to be debated within the FGG and other external cultural organizations.

The commercialization of the Gay Games Sport mega events, like the World Cup and the Olympics, but also alternative, special events, like the Gay Games, have become highly sought-after commodities as more and more nations move toward event-driven economies (Nauright 2010). However, this has raised some tensions within the global LGBT sports movement and specifically affected the Gay Games. Marc Naismith stresses the Games are a privately organized event that relies on individual registrations to finance and stage each quadrennial gathering. While some criticism of the Games comes from cultural advocates, Naismith contends that, despite this political opposition, the event has to be first and foremost attractive, and thus commercially appealing to a large number of athletes and spectators. Participant fees partially help offset the large operational costs to stage the Games, as organizers also seek sponsorship to further subsidize budgets. This has resulted in some debate as to what type of sports events to offer but also what kind of sponsors should be associated with the Games. As the number of participants increased tenfold from San Francisco in 1982 to more recent Games, more mainstream sponsors were attracted to the event. Scant data are available from the first few Games held in San Francisco and Vancouver, with the first economic impact data starting to emerge with the New York Games (1994). The Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation (GLAAD 2012) reported the event brought an estimated $300 million to New York City, $55 million to Amsterdam and $60 million to Sydney, although methods to calculate these figures vary widely and may be

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unreliable. Pitts (1999) noted the significant economic value of the growing lesbian and gay sport tourism industry as spectacles, such as the Gay Games, increasingly attracted athletes from all over the world. This significant rise, along with friends, partners and spectators from the region, who would also attend subsequent Games since San Francisco, caught the attention of mainstream corporations. The LGBT market is perceived to be attractive to mainstream companies because of its privileged economic status, the so-called ‘pink dollar/pound’, although this is widely disputed (Hyman 2001). Kates (2000) identified this market as being brand loyal and that they purchase from companies that advertise to their niche, although Jarvis (2002) commented, lesbians and gay male consumers are also very skeptical if sponsors are simply aligning themselves for increased sales irrespective of altruistic reasons and respecting gay heritage and culture. Whereas the first Games held in the 1980s largely attracted smaller gay-owned businesses as sponsors, increasingly the 1990s witnessed larger multinational companies associate themselves with gay events. The New York Games saw AT& T and Miller Brewing as corporate sponsors, while latter Games attracted KLM Royal Dutch Airlines and Kodak (Amsterdam), and American Airlines, Qantas and Hertz (Sydney). Charlie Carson noted the Games in Australia in 2002 also faced some significant issues – they were post 9/11 and had to deal with the dot.com collapse, which affected the ability of many Americans to travel a great distance. Further, while the event did attract some large corporate sponsorship, the organizers still had problems enticing a local alcohol sponsor, like Fosters, with Heineken stepping in at the last moment and contributing some funds. There was a financial crisis in the final weeks preceding the start of the 2002 Games as two major sponsors went out of business. The New South Wales government refused to support the event even though there was significant projected sport tourist spending. Charlie Carson stated ‘a group of gay community elders put up personal guarantees to cover cash flow shortages at the last moment so that the Games could go ahead’. Thus, some Games organizers have little choice in what type of companies may align themselves to the event as some seek any sponsorship to offset operating budgets. Despite these commercial tensions, Charlie Carson claimed the Sydney Games were deemed a success. The Chicago Games (2006) attracted sponsorship from Gatorade, Absolut Vodka and, importantly, Nike, a major global sporting goods company, operating in a sector that was traditionally reluctant to associate themselves with gay sport. The Cologne Games sponsors included Facebook, DHL, Europcar and Ford. At the time of this writing the Cleveland Games (2014) had not identified their corporate sponsors. The advent of these types of companies supporting the Games could be seen as helping to legitimize and empower the gay sports movement (Jarvis 2002). The organizers of the Games welcome mainstream sponsors as they help offset the growing operational costs associated with staging the event. The original operating budget of the first Games was $125,000 and quickly rose to $2.1 million in

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Vancouver, $6.5 million in New York, $7.0 million in Amsterdam, $10 million in Chicago and $14 million for Cologne. Further, the FGG believed the interest from corporations helped legitimize (Suchman 1995) gay sport and the wider LGBT community as businesses attempted to show a cultural allegiance to this target market. While the increased marketability of the event attracted criticism from several stakeholders, in particular participants and cultural groups, Charlie Carson noted the FGG sought and welcomed more sponsorship as it was becoming concerned with spiraling cost overruns as local organizers struggled to balance the budgets staging a sport and/or cultural event. Book and Eskilsson (2010) see the commercialization attached to a homo-cultural sports event as a positive force for the marketing of the host city but also one that brings attention to the benefits of LGBT as a social movement. As previously mentioned, the conjoining of sport and culture adds further financial risk and burden to the local organizers. While the commercialization of the Gay Games has intensified over the years, it is seen as a practical necessity of staging such a privately operated global sports event with growing operational costs, regardless of the wider critical concerns.

Growing pains – the split with the Gay Games movement As the Games quickly grew over its relative short history, it attracted continued attention from not only mainstream companies but also, to some extent, from the media. Furthermore, cities saw the economic benefits of hosting the event (Nauright 2010). Hence, this changed the way they were awarded to a city and the process after the 1980s became much more competitive. In 1993, the FGG introduced a more formal bidding procedure in awarding future Games. Much like the Olympics (Higham 1999; Jennings and Sambrook 2000), but not as competitive and corrupt, a number of rival cities wanted to host the 1998 Games to be held five years later. Bids were received not only from Amsterdam, the eventual winner, but also Atlanta and Sydney, two other cities that indeed were soon to host the Olympics. Subsequent Games have received a number of preliminary bids, with cities being shortlisted and having to submit and present formally their plans to the FGG. For example, Sydney won over bids from Montréal, Toronto, Long Beach/Los Angeles and Dallas, while Cologne beat rivals Johannesburg and Paris. The 2014 Games surprisingly were awarded to Cleveland, a blue-collar city in industrial decline. Cleveland and its organizers hope the Games will inject over $60 million into the local economy (Maag 2009). The northern Ohio city beat Washington DC and Boston, two larger conurbations traditionally seen as more gay-friendly. Stevenson et al. (2005) state that hosting the Games tends to consolidate or articulate with an already existing aspect of a city’s identity, rather than forging one anew. Indeed, awarding the 2010 Games to Johannesburg would have been a brave choice because it is located in a less developed nation with perceived higher rates of homophobia. They further state

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‘the coupling of the politics of sexuality and civic identity/economy is crucial because it is the promised economic benefits of the Games (in terms of visitor numbers) that makes it attractive to cities that otherwise would almost certainly take little interest in a fringe and sometimes controversial event’ (2005: 453). However, with the 2014 staging it appears this is changing. Cleveland organizers aim for the Games to help promote LGBT issues in the heartland of mid-west America, perceived as a more conservative part of the nation. A significant event happened in the interim between Sydney and the next scheduled Games in Montréal in 2006. According to Charlie Carson, the Canadian hosts wanted to make their Gay Games the largest ever, planning ambitiously to play host to some 24,000 athletes. However, the FGG was concerned with the size of the event, its budget and the lack of financial transparency. Instead, they pulled the plug and, in 2003, awarded Chicago the right to host in 2006. This created a schism in the LGBT sports community, with the Montréal organizing committee proceeding to host a sports event without the sanction of the FGG. The result was the ‘World Outgames’, which was held one week after the Chicago Games finished. Many athletes could only afford to attend one of the events or could not recover in time to participate. Ultimately, this affected participation numbers with Chicago having 11,500 and Montréal 8,000. While Chicago claimed to break even, the Quebec-based Games reportedly lost $5 million (Canadian currency) from an overall budget of $14 million, although financial figures are disputed according to Charlie Carson. The need for a second gay global sports event has since been the source of considerable debate. Book and Eskilsson (2010) contend the Gay Games are less commercially and professionally managed than the Outgames, although the FGG repudiates this. Rowe et al. (2006) see the Outgames as a rival event, one that fragments the gay sports movement. The organizers of the Outgames, the Gay and Lesbian International Sport Association (GLISA), realized the potential benefits of staging their event in a different year than the Gay Games, and held their next event in Copenhagen (2009) and Antwerp (2013). In May 2012, the FGG and GLISA met in Montréal in an attempt to jointly operate a quadrennial sport event but failed to reach an agreement. According to the FGG (2012c), ‘This was a noble effort by both the FGG and GLISA to identify the best way to hold our sports and cultural festivals along with a human rights component in a single combined event for all our constituents’. However, significant contested issues remained. These included the financial burden placed on the host. The current Gay Games model has financial risk being shared between the FGG and the host organization, and the FGG board believes it is important to maintain this principle. Another was the FGG’s belief that the best way for individuals to make an informed choice when voting for site selection is to be physically present at the presentation meeting. At the time of writing, further attempts to reconcile the two competing gay global sports events are likely to take place as it seems there is political

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will, underpinned by some common economic sense, that there is only a need and ‘market’ for one unified global Gay sports event. How the tension and logics play out in the near future will be a matter of considerable and continuing importance for those concerned with the politics associated with the worldwide LGBT sports movement.

The queering of the Gay Games At the North American Society for the Sociology of Sport conference in 2003 in Montréal, a gay academic argued the Gay Games should challenge conservative notions of sport that were dominant in mainstream settings. She stated how events at the Games should be organized and be more ‘queer’ and boldly commented, ‘Wouldn’t it be great if women and men ran the 100 metres together in high heel shoes and dresses!’ This echoed some similar suggestions raised at a lesbian and gay sport conference held at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in Boston the previous year. Some attending academics questioned why the Gay Games were competitive in nature and modelled on the Olympics by awarding gold, silver and bronze medals to athletes. Needless to say, these issues raised much debate and little agreement among conference participants. Thus, 10 years on, the phenomenon of the Gay Games prompts a reconsideration of these ‘queer’ proposals, debates and contestations. Seidman (1996) purports queer theory and activism has its roots in the early 1990s as a response to the crisis identified in the late 1980s about the issue of identity as a foundation of gay culture and politics. In many developed countries, gay men and lesbians gained many legal and political rights in the 1980s. Further, they became more accepted by wider society advocated partly, via a political strategy associated with how similar and ‘normal’ they were compared to heterosexual people. This upset some academics and vocal leaders within the gay community who wanted to stress that gay people were not similar to straight persons and urged a celebration of sexual divergence (see Medhurst and Munt 1996; Morland and Willox 2005). Queer theory thus built itself on social constructivism to further dismantle sexual identities and categories, and took on the form of a more radical politics of difference (Irvine 1994). The use of the term ‘queer’ has caused debate and controversy within the gay community and among some academics (see Caudwell 2006; Halperin 2003; Seidman 1996; Ward 2000), but it has been useful in terms of rethinking identity. Queer theory thus does not only offer a view on sexuality or gender, but also suggests any person can potentially reinvent their identity through themselves. Birrell (2000) added people can read one category from information that they have about another and that people are often categorized into a binary such as male/female, masculine/feminine, gay/straight or heterosexual/homosexual. Queer theory and activism has some relevance for sport. Pronger (2000) asserts the main goal of gay sport is the inclusion of people marginalized due

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to their sexual identities, as opposed to the disruption or transformation of the foundations of sport as a bodily practice. He further argues gay sports events like the Gay Games have not pursued a radical strategy of liberation that would see gay engagement with sport as an opportunity to transform sport’s cultural conservatism. Many gay sports groups have gone out of their way to stress inclusiveness, regardless of ability, age, gender, ethnicity, class and sexual orientation. Indeed, this is part of the mission of the Gay Games, which has stressed friendship over the sexuality and sexual desire associated with the event. In other words, the Games have been criticized for not promoting the fact that many athletes will meet others for sexual gratification during the event. Therefore, this could be seen as the erasure of lesbian and gay difference in the pursuit of sporting legitimation. One can see that gay sport thereby seeks to demonstrate the normality of lesbian and gay male athletes. Pronger (2000) declared gay sport has missed an opportunity to refigure the construction of sport as a conservative culture of desire, which could, in turn, contribute to the critique and transformation of oppressions that are perpetuated by conservative political perspectives more generally. Davidson (2006) and Sykes (2006) are critical of the Gay Games because they do not radically challenge traditional notions of sport, and indeed they are mirrored on conservative and hetero-normative models of competitive events like the Olympics. Marc Naismith acknowledges these valid criticisms; however, he returns to the fundamental point that the Gay Games must be commercially attractive and viable; otherwise the event simply would not take place. He asserts the vast majority of athletes would not register for Games if they provided different or ‘queer’ types of sport. Most LGBT athletes train and participate in mainstream sports, and when they pay to take part in the Games, they expect their sports to be played to these standards and expectations. However, he does believe the Games are challenging to a certain degree and have ‘pushed the boundaries.’ The Gay Games were the first international competition that provided women’s wrestling before the Olympics. They offer men’s synchronized swimming, whereas this is not included in the Olympics or at the World Championships. The Games provide numerous events for same-sex couples in dancing and figure skating. Men and women are allowed to compete with and against each other in a number of team sports. Players of all ages are welcomed to take part. In Cologne, a 92-year-old American man participated in the physique competition. Marc Naismith, with his weightlifting background, stated an elderly athlete like that would be ‘laughed off the stage at a mainstream event.’ Cleveland (2014) will have a gay rodeo as part of the competition. While Marc Naismith hopes sport played at the Gay Games may resonate with mainstream sporting institutions, he realizes the Games cannot at the same time reject the competitive and traditional aspects of mainstream sports in which LGBT athletes want to participate. Marc Naismith believes some ‘queering’ of events occur within the sports at the Games. Male volleyball players may play some of their games wearing short skirts and wigs. The ‘Pink Flamingo’ race is a traditional, although non-medal,

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event that takes place in the pool at each Games. Participants wear pink flamingo hats whilst swimming and sharing strokes, and teams appear in drag before the event. Davidson (2006) acknowledges this camp extravaganza as an expression of gay pride, one that may challenge traditional notions of sport. Wellard (2006) and Jarvis (2006) see the potential of ‘queer’ when applied to sport but note a wide gulf between the practical proposals of queer theory and the real or lived practices of those who take part in sport. Charlie Carson and Marc Naismith both believe the vast majority of athletes want to participate in sport with existing rules. Charlie Carson questions whether queer academics or supporters understand the sport that is offered at the Games, and whether these critics have taken part even in a spectating capacity. Nonetheless, queer protagonists insist the Gay Games need to stop mirroring themselves on the elite Olympics providing gold, silver and bronze medals and perpetuating a competitive culture. Marc Naismith acknowledges the awarding of medals has always been a contentious issue. He counters the medals are desired by most athletes as people train in order to be recognized and the awards ‘represent a symbol of their success … it is the value that participants attach to it which becomes important.’ He argues the most crucial one is the participant medal that every athlete receives for simply taking part, and is not related to winning. The medals do create some controversy as some athletes play in lower-skill divisions in order to win gold, silver or bronze; however, Games organizers and officials do attempt to monitor this issue in certain sports but some athletes manage to ‘cheat’ the system which relies on self-categorizing skill levels. Much like mainstream sport, a minority of athletes will deceive to win a medal but this goes against the fundamental underlying principles of fair play at the Gay Games. Marc Naismith revealed a proposal was recently offered to reduce cheating in one particular sport, weightlifting, which is affected by performance-enhancing drugs and/or steroids that some HIV+ athletes take as part of their treatment. The suggestion was to make it a non-medal event and move it into the cultural programme in Cleveland. However, he thought this would result in commercial suicide and no athletes would register to take part in that particular sport. This underscores the point that the Games must be a commercially viable event and would not operate if athletes did not participate. Charlie Carson notes many newer and younger athletes attending their first Gay Games never state a need for ‘queer’ sports and want to play their sport to internationally recognized rules, conventions and standards. While the Gay Games tries to promote inclusion and diversity, and allows men and women in some events to compete against each other, the binaries associated with gender (male/female) causes a deal of conflict, much like it has in mainstream athletics with the recent case of Caster Semenya, the South African runner. ‘Gender issues at the Games have been prevalent at most of the Games and is nothing new’, stated Charlie Carson. The FGG has a detailed policy on gender participation and ideally wants athletes to simply self-identify their legal gender. The goal is to create gender equity. However,

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Marc Naismith reported the Games have a number of transgender and intersex athletes and some women participants are concerned that those female athletes who were formerly men have an unfair competitive advantage. The FGG is aware of this complex issue and does take some steps to ensure parity among competitors, asking for legal proof of athlete’s gender, especially in certain combat sports like judo and wrestling. These issues associated with transgenderism and intersex, however, involve only a few cases at each Games held. The FGG does not want to mirror the Olympics’ policy of gender testing. While queer advocates (Pronger 1990; Sykes 2006) would welcome all athletes to be able to compete against each other regardless of their identity, the FGG again realizes the practicality of offering a sports event that appeals to the vast majority of participants. Charlie Carson believes in the queer potential of the Games as ‘much gay or queer stuff takes place off the field or court, but that is where it should remain.’

The future of the Gay Games A final, but rather fundamental, contention within the global gay sports movement is whether there is indeed a need for a special event like the Gay Games in the future. Debate centres around whether the Games have lost their political edge and mission, and forgotten their original reason for being and instead are now just a highly commercialized, ‘tame’ event. This is similar to other LGBT events like Gay Pride, which have also come under scrutiny for neglecting political aspects whilst focusing on the celebration of gay lifestyles (Hughes 2006). Some critics have suggested the Games have peaked with participant numbers stagnant. However, the event rivals the Olympics with similar numbers of athletes competing, and even the IOC has tried to limit the total number of people taking part in the summer and winter Games. Collective mainstream and popular cultural accounts indicate there are significant changes in the attitudes towards homosexuality within the Western sporting world, as more straight allies in professional and grassroots sport are welcoming gay athletes, or at least identifying the right for LGBT persons to play sport. Anderson (2009; 2010) considers this as diminished cultural homophobia. Thus, in a time of decreasing homophobia, is there still a need for the Gay Games? This is posited by many people learning about the Gay Games for the first time. Marc Naismith has been asked this question many times. He argues the need for LGBT people to participate in safe places and in sites where they are not excluded or marginalized is less applicable than when the Games took place in the 1980s and 90s. He contends there are many places in Western developed countries where homophobia remains and adds ‘but in the rest of the world the situation is far from hopeful … We have a number of athletes that come from countries where they could be killed if they came out.’ The Games attract participants from countries that outlaw homosexuality. For these people, they remain fundamentally important, and, as stated before, the FGG is concerned with human rights.

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Marc Naismith states even in an ideal world where no homophobia exists, there is still a fundamental need for the Gay Games because sport is a social activity, it is part of people’s social identity and practice, and it is a place where LGBT persons can meet similar athletes. Drawing on Maguire (1999), the Games bring people together to form a global gay community. Marc Naismith adds, ‘it is space where lesbians and gay men can meet others and share experiences and the Gay Games provide an opportunity other than online dating sites and gay bars … Gay people need a variety of venues to share interests and the Games provide that.’ The Gay Games offer participants the opportunity to express themselves openly, and to experience camaraderie and validation through sport and culture. For the participants, the Gay Games are a public forum for the celebration and display of gay culture, with particular emphasis on conspicuous lifestyle statements (Rowe et al. 2006; Stevenson et al. 2005). Hence, the Games are still politically relevant but perhaps this message is becoming more blurred when the event also has to be commercially viable. A continuing and future struggle for the Gay Games movement is how to make them more visible. Although this event represents a radical break from traditional conceptions of the role of sport in society, it does not constitute a major challenge to sport as an institution. The Gay Games take place in insular or ‘ghettoized’, spaces and are similar to mainstream sports events. Outside the host city, and beyond the LGBT community and its allies, few people are aware of this global sports event despite its size and economic impact. Results of the Gay Games are sometimes listed in local news or cultural sections within newspapers but not within the sports section. Marc Naismith argues the FGG needs to work harder at making the Games better known, but it is a challenge. He believes the best way forward to promote the Games is by having representation on local, regional, national and international sports groups and at non-gay specific sport conferences. The Games receive some media attention during the year they take place, but it is the three years in between before the next event where the work needs to be done. Marc Naismith feels it is up to the individual LGBT athletes and clubs that participate in sport in local mainstream settings to make other people and teams know that lesbians and gay men take part in sport in the first place, but also compete in global networks and events like the Gay Games. Until this happens as an everyday occurrence, the actual gay sports liberation is partial and conditional as it is the result of separation and not integration.

Conclusion The Gay Games will continue to shape and reinforce LGBT identities, as well as benefit the economies and reputation of the host cities and nations. This chapter has highlighted a number of underlying contentious issues that exist within this global gay sports and cultural movement, especially debates

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related to legitimacy and commercialization. Any socio-cultural event like the Gay Games is open to many and competing readings but this chapter has presented a selective account of some of the key contestations. The FGG is required to play to multiple constituencies, seeking financial support from corporations and governments but also from the LGBT sport and wider community. This is achieved by emphasizing its economic desirability and political roots and, as much as possible, its non-confrontational position that underpins some of the fundamental principles attached to the Games. This chapter has explained some of the political tensions, clashes and contradictions that exist within this type of event. From an outsider’s view with little knowledge or awareness of this LGBT sport phenomenon, the Gay Games may appear to be a rather minor small-scale event. The growth in the number of participants and countries taking part, as well as the associated economic impacts, however demonstrate that it has become a significant global and vital hallmark event. Lesbian and gay persons are commonly regarded as a homogeneous group of individuals who do not have a great interest in sport. The Gay Games demonstrate how important they are to those taking part, not just to LGBT persons but also to heterosexuals too. Despite this, the short selected history of the Games shows there are underlying debates about the role of sport and culture within the LGBT community, ones that have not yet been reconciled. It reveals the global gay sports movement is fragmented, with competing interests and events like the Outgames. The Gay Games also attract a fair share of critics, especially those who advocate a more radical transgressive queer approach to the event that questions and undermines the conservative nature of mainstream sport. They argue the Games should not be mirrored on existing events like the Olympics. While these criticisms have some merit, I contend the Games do challenge traditional ideologies of sport that favour and promote heterosexuality. The simple fact that LGBT persons take part in sport, at large hallmark events, can be viewed as confronting prejudices and stereotypes, especially ones that relate to gay men having little interest in sport. Most local gay sport takes place away from mainstream sites. The ability to challenge hegemonic forms of heterosexuality and masculinity and undermine existing dominant conservative sporting cultures and institutions is limited in these locations. However, the global Gay Games, with their considerable economic and social impacts for host destinations, attractiveness for sponsors, media attention and sheer number of participants from a wide range of nations, make it an increasingly difficult sporting event to ignore. The Gay Games offer an excellent example of how traditional notions of sport can be questioned, even though they provide some similar competitions as mainstream settings and events. At the same time, the organizers of the Games are acutely aware that present and future events cannot be too radical because that will likely mean the majority of LGBT athletes would not be interested in taking part. This would be financial suicide and the Games would not exist. Critics of the Gay Games are free to start their own more ‘queer’ sporting event,

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although it would be interesting to see what format they would take and whether they would attract participants. However, this would, arguably, further fragment the global gay sports movement, especially when it appears there is a demand and political will for one unified quadrennial Games. Sport has been an integral part of developing gay and lesbian communities. The popularity of global events such as the Gay Games clearly illustrates that sport does not necessarily overcome wider social differences and phenomena such as homophobia and stereotypes about gay athletes, and sometimes creates a forum for their reinforcement. In addition, one of the most significant social functions of hallmark events like the Gay Games is their ability both to equip the participants and supporters with a distinct identity and to represent the LGBT community publicly on a global stage. Sporting success and/or participation can significantly contribute to a general process of de-stigmatization, particularly for a group in society that is usually considered to be inferior or subordinate in many countries. Thus, there will be need for Gay Games in the future.

Bibliography Anderson, E. (2009) Inclusive Masculinity: The Changing Nature of Masculinities, New York: Routledge. ——(2010) ‘Inclusive masculinity theory and the gendered politics of men’s rugby’, Journal of Gender Studies, 19(3): 249–61. Armstrong, E. A. and Crage, S. M. (2006) ‘Movements and memory: The making of the Stonewall myth’, American Sociological Review, 71: 724–51. Bech, H. (1997) When Men Meet: Homosexuality and Modernity, Cambridge: Polity Press. Birrell, S. (2000) ‘Feminist theories for sport’, in J. Coakley and E. Dunning (eds.) Handbook of Sports Studies, London: Sage Publications. Book, K. and Eskilsson, L. (2010) ‘Coming out in Copenhagen: homo sport events in city marketing’, Sport in Society, 13(2): 314–28. Carter, D. (2004) Stonewall – the riots that sparked the Gay Revolution, St. Martin’s Press. Caudwell, J. (ed.) (2006) Sport, Sexualities and Queer/Theory, London: Routledge. Connell, R.W. (1995) Masculinities, Berkeley: University of California Press. Davidson, J. (2006) ‘The necessity of queer shame for gay pride: The Gay Games and cultural events’, in J. Caudwell (ed.) Sport, Sexualities and Queer/Theory, London: Routledge, 90–105. Elling, A., Knoppers, A. and de Knop, P. (2001) ‘The social integrative meaning of sport: A critical and comparative analysis of policy and practice in the Netherlands’, Sociology of Sport Journal, 18(4): 414–34. FGG (2012a) ‘Mission, vision and values’. Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 15 May 2012). ——(2012b) ‘History of the FGG and the Gay Games’. Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 15 May 2012). ——(2012c) ‘FGG, GLISA suspend project for joint event’. Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 22 May 2012).

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Garcia, B. (2008) ‘One hundred years of cultural programming within the Olympic Games (1912–2012): Origins, evolution and projections’, International Journal of Cultural Policy, 14(4): 361–76. Garcia, B. and Miah, A. (2007) ‘Ever decreasing circles? The profile of culture at the Olympics’, Culture @ the Olympics, 9(2): 10–13. GLAAD (2012) ‘Annual gay events attract hundreds of thousands’. Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 18 May 2012). Griffin, P. (1998) Strong Women, Deep Closets, Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Halperin, D. (2003) ‘The normalization of Queer Theory’, Journal of Homosexuality, 45(2/3/4): 339–43. Higham, J. (1999) ‘Sport as an avenue of tourism development: An analysis of the positive and negative impacts of sport tourism’, Current Issues in Tourism, 2(1): 82–90. Hughes, H. (2006) ‘Gay and lesbian festivals: Tourism in the change from politics to party’, in D. Picard and M. Robinson (eds.) Festivals, Tourism and Social Change, Clevedon: Channel View Publications, 238–54. Hyman, P. (2001) ‘Lesbians and economic/social change’, Journal of Lesbian Studies, 5(1): 115–32. Inglis, D. (2008) ‘Culture agonists: social differentiation, cultural policy and Cultural Olympiads’, International Journal of Cultural Policy, 14(4): 463–77. Irvine, J. (1994) ‘A place in the rainbow: Theorizing lesbian and gay culture’, in P. Nardi and B. Schneider (eds.) (1998) Social Perspectives in Lesbian and Gay Studies: A Reader, London: Routledge, 573–88. Jarvis, N. (2002) ‘Sponsorship and gay sport: A case study of the 2000 Gay Softball World Series’, International Journal of Sports Marketing & Sponsorship, 4(3): 205–30. ——(2006) ‘Ten men out: gay sporting masculinities in softball’, in J. Caudwell (ed.) Sport, Sexualities and Queer/Theory, London: Routledge. Jennings, A. and Sambrook, C. (2000) Great Olympic Swindle, New York: Simon & Schuster. Kates, S. (2000) ‘Out of the closet and out on the street! Gay men and their brand relationships’, Psychology and Marketing, 17(6): 493–513. Maag, C. (2009) ‘Forget Chicago: Cleveland gets the Gay Games’, Time Inc. Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 19 May 2012). Maguire, J. (1999) Global Sport, Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. Medhurst, A. and Munt, S. (1997) Lesbian and Gay Studies: A Critical Introduction, London: Cassell. Messner, M. (1992) Power at Play: Sports and the Problem of Masculinity, Boston: Beacon Press. Miah, A. and Garcia, B. (2012) The Olympics: The Basics, London: Routledge. Morland, I. and Willox, A. (eds.) (2005) Queer Theory, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Nauright, J. (2010) ‘Global games: Culture, political economy and sport in the globalized world of the 21st century’, Third World Quarterly, 25(7): 1325–36. Pitts, B. (1999) ‘Sports tourism and niche markets: Identification and analysis of the growing lesbian and gay sports tourism industry’, Journal of Vacation Marketing, 5 (1): 31–45. Pronger, B. (1990) The Arena of Masculinity, Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

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——(2000) ‘Homosexuality and sport: Who’s winning?’, in J. McKay, M. Messner and D. Sabo (eds.) Masculinities, Gender Relations, and Sport, London: Sage Publications, 222–44. Roche, M. (2000) Mega-Events and Modernity: Olympics and Expos in the Growth of Global Culture, London: Routledge. Rowe, D., Markwell, K. and Stevenson, D. (2006) ‘Exploring participants’ experiences of the Gay Games: intersections of sport, gender and sexuality’, International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics, 2(1): 49–65. Seidman, S. (1996) ‘Introduction’, in S. Seidman (ed.) Queer Theory/Sociology, Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd., 1–29. Stevenson, D. (1997) ‘Olympic arts’, International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 32(1): 227–38. Stevenson, D., Rowe, D. and Markwell, K. (2005) ‘Explorations in “Event Ecology”: The case of the international Gay Games’, Social Identities, 11(5): 447–65. Suchman, M. C. (1995) ‘Managing legitimacy: strategic and institutional approaches’, Academy of Management Review, 20(3): 571–610. Sykes, H. (2006) ‘Queering theories of sexuality in sport studies’, in J. Caudwell (ed.) Sport, Sexualities and Queer/Theory, London: Routledge, 13–32. Symons, C. (2010) The Gay Games: A History, London: Routledge. Vertinsky, P. (2004) ‘Locating a “Sense of Place”: Space, place and gender in the gymnasium’, in P. Vertinsky and J. Bale (eds.) Sites of Sport: Space, Place, Experience, London: Routledge, 8–24. Waitt, G. (2003) ‘Gay Games: Performing “Community” out from the closet of the locker loom’, Social & Cultural Geography, 4(2): 167–83. Ward, J. (2000) ‘Queer sexism: Rethinking gay men and masculinity’, in P. Nardi (ed.) Gay Masculinities, London: Sage Publications, 152–75. Wellard, I. (2006) ‘Exploring the limits of queer and sport: Gay men playing tennis’, in J. Caudwell (ed.) Sport, Sexualities and Queer/Theory, London: Routledge, 76–89. Warren, C. (1974) ‘Space and time’, in P. Nardi and B. Schneider (eds.) (1998), Social Perspectives in Lesbian and Gay Studies: A Reader, London: Routledge, 183–93. Williams, R. (1961) The Long Revolution, Harmondsworth: Penguin.

Part III

Contemporary case studies and ethnographies

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6

Global events and local conflicts Who owns the streets of London? Adam Jones and Janet Woolley

On 6 July 2005, thousands celebrated in the streets of London after the British capital won the right to host the 30th Olympiad, little aware that many of these streets would no longer be theirs to use during the Games. London’s transport system had been a cause for concern of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) long before the city gained the IOC’s approval to hold the Games. Described as a ‘major risk’, this was starkly brought to the forefront of everyone’s minds when, 24 hours later, London’s transport system was paralysed due to the 7 July bomb attacks. Hosting the Olympic Games is promoted as an opportunity for business. But is it, and do the Games benefit all businesses? Greenwich-based dog trainer Simone Day predicted her livelihood would be under threat during London 2012 as traffic restrictions meant she would not be able to get to clients. Simone explained: If I can’t get to my client’s, I can’t do my job and therefore I make no money. It’s all very well for the government to tell us to make the most of business opportunities offered by the number of people coming to the Olympics. That might work for restaurants and hotels, but who’s going to bring their dog to be trained? (BBC 2012) Mega events may provide great opportunities but also come with challenges, especially events hosted in city-centre locations that impose enormous demands on the urban environment, in particular the local transport infrastructure (Ritchie 1984; Currie and Delbosc 2011). To ensure that mega events such as the Olympics can operate effectively, travel management is vital. As Bovy (2007) observed, a mega event is where the city’s transport system and urban logistics are seriously impacted by the proceedings. However, as the Summer Olympic Games are held every four years in a different location, for the host city this is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity that requires intense transport planning, albeit only temporarily. Since the first commercially successful Olympics, held in Los Angeles in 1984, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) have encouraged its growth (Malfas et al.

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2004). The size of the Olympics in terms of competitors and spectators has increased ever since, bringing with it huge financial risks and returns for both the IOC and host city and, with this, increasing pressure to ensure the Games are a success. As a result, the IOC stipulate, multiple requirements for the host city. Central to these demands is the provision of an efficient transport system. History has shown that the degree of success of the transport provision for mega events depends on the quality and capacity of the host city’s urban public transport network and how the transport demand within the city is regulated (Currie and Shalaby 2012). Travel Demand Management (TDM) is a technique used to manage and manipulate the demand for transport within an urban environment, and is often implemented due to an expected increase in pressure on the transport system, such as the hosting of a mega event. Effective transport systems are a vital part of today’s modern cities and, in particular, for their economic activities. This chapter is concerned with the implications of such measures and their impact on the ability of business to continue operating as usual during the London Games. Olympic Travel Demand Management is an under-researched area with regard to its impact on the host population and, especially, businesses. This chapter is informed by a research project that commenced six months prior to the 2012 Summer Olympics. The research consisted of 15 in-depth semi-structured interviews with businesses that were not official partners of the Games. The businesses involved ranged in size from multinational companies, employing thousands, to sole traders. These companies operated in diverse sectors of the economy and included the financial service sector, professional consultancy, logistics, hospitality and food retailing. The aim of these interviews was to explore their reactions to and the implications of the Travel Demand Management (TDM) measures that London’s authorities were intending to enforce during the Games. The names of our interview partners have been altered for confidentiality. The following three questions constitute the focus of our research:  How have businesses been informed as to the impact of the TDM measures before, during and after the 2012 London Olympics?  How do they plan to react to these measures and what steps are they undertaking, if any?  How do they feel about the demands being made of them and the effect on their business? Transport and business management are the main focuses of our research interest, both of us having previously worked in the travel and transport sectors, and now teach and research at the University of Brighton. Our interest in this particular project was ignited by the apparent conflict between the promoted benefits of the Games as a vehicle for economic growth and the supposed necessary restrictions imposed on London, in particular the local business community. Could these Travel Demand Management measures

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affect their ability to realize such benefits? What was the reaction by the business community to these imposed restrictions? The wider context is, of course, about power and politics as this chapter address the issues of access to London’s transport system during the Games. Who has the right to impose such restrictions, by what authority and on whom? This takes into consideration the conflict between the IOC, its global sponsorship partners, the host authority and the local community.

Can’t get to the Games on time: Olympic congestion The 2012 Summer Olympic Games held in London was one of the world’s largest urban events, with an estimated nine million visitors and 300,000 athletes and officials (Hendy 2011). Most of the spectators were expected to use public transport in a city that has a very high urban transport ‘base load’. The base load comprises a large host population, commuter travellers and freight deliveries, all in a city with a significant tourist profile. Travel management in this context needs to manipulate both the capacity available and the demand required of the system and can, due to the unique demands of the Olympic Games, require some unconventional approaches (Currie and Delbosc 2011). Experiences from previous Olympic Games, in particular Atlanta 1996, highlighted the problems faced by public transport systems, which could not cope with the huge additional demands (Bovy 2010). The Metropolitan Atlanta Regional Transit Authority’s (MARTA) rail system in Georgia’s capital experienced a 50 per cent increase in expected capacity, which resulted in severe delays and crowding (Currie 1998). The British rowing star Steve Redgrave moved out of the Olympic Village, afraid that Olympic transportation would not get him to his venue on time (Dobson and Sinnamon 2001). Baseball games between Nicaragua and the United States and between Japan and the Netherlands were delayed because the team bus was late. One Olympic fencer arrived just 10 minutes before his competition was set to start (Appleborne 1996). As a result, Sydney, in 2000, took great care to ensure these problems were not replicated. For the first time, a single body, separate from the local Olympic Organizing Committee, took full responsibility for all transport issues during the event; the Olympic Roads and Transport Authority (ORTA) was established (Currie 2001). Critical to their success was sound planning and, in particular, excellent communication and documentation, to ensure all stakeholders were continuously kept informed. Key to their delivery was the philosophy of ‘under promise and over deliver’ (Currie and Delbosc 2011: 40). This lesson was learnt when Atlanta showcased new transport technology initiatives but fell far below expectations and earned much bad press as a result. Travel management requires both capacity and demand management strategies and, as part of capacity improvements, host cities’ transport planning tends to include infrastructure projects, in particular expanding the rail networks. Atlanta built 116 kilometres of new rail lines. Sydney developed the

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Olympic Park Station and a simple, single-line operation designed for maximum passenger transportation. Athens undertook major rail projects, including new links both to the coast and airport. Beijing increased its underground system from two to eight lines, also adding 49 kilometres of light rail. However, such projects are often part of a longer-term transport strategy, usually described as ‘legacy investments’. These infrastructure projects would have been built at some point in the future but, in order to win the bid for the Games, there is a commitment to bring this investment forward (Currie and Delbosc 2011). Bovy refers to these as ‘Games accelerated transport projects’ (2010: 37).

Managing traffic, travel and transport Since the lead time between winning the right to host the Games and the event itself is between six and seven years, the planning and construction of new large infrastructure is often not realistic or achievable. Furthermore, as the Summer Olympic Games lasts only for a two-week period, the costs involved in such projects is often not justifiable. Hence, short-term demand management measures have become a major element in all recent Games. By curbing base demand during the event to match the supply of available capacity, Travel Demand Management is used to help solve congestion problems brought on by the increases in visitor numbers and is used to maximize the people-moving capability of transport systems (Bhattacharjee et al. 1997). These can include:  Travel capacity measures: to reduce demand in all parts of the transport system.  Travel behaviour measures: to encourage travellers to switch mode, to change time of travel or pool resources, for example through car-sharing.  Traffic efficiency measures: to improve traffic flow and reduce traffic delays.  Traffic-ban measures: to remove or exclude traffic from areas or specific routes and to impose car-parking restrictions.  Public transport emphasis measures: to encourage higher capacity and more efficient use of public transport in terms of volume and schedules (Currie and Delbosc 2011). The above five strategies have all been in operation during the previous four Summer Olympic Games. Some were employed more than others depending on the level of infrastructure available and the geographical and political condition of the host city. Beijing carried out major infrastructure investment but also implemented strict behaviour changes. This involved an ‘odd and even’ system that required cars to stay off the roads on alternate days, depending on whether their licence plate ended in an odd or even number. The Chinese authorities also enforced restrictions on high-emission vehicles; these measures helped reduce both pollution and road congestion.

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Athens also invested heavily in new infrastructure and constructed a new traffic management centre, specific Olympic traffic lanes and introduced an extensive demand management system. Restrictions on urban logistic traffic and deliveries were also enforced, which encouraged night-time operations (Minis and Tsamboulas 2008). Sydney embarked on an enormous public awareness campaign to encourage behaviour changes. The dates of the school terms were altered, ensuring the usual reduction in traffic during such holidays coincided with the Games. Although Atlanta implemented many of these measures and successfully reduced road congestion, the city experienced severe over-congestion on their rail network. The problems that arose from the unexpected increase in volume onto the rail network together with new system failures resulted in lessons learnt for subsequent Games. Now test event-planning and comprehensive communication strategies are incorporated into every Olympic transport strategy (Currie and Delbosc 2011). A comprehensive public awareness campaign is essential to engage the cooperation of the local population and business community to reduce the ‘base load’. Sydney, in particular, employed such strategies to great effect. The aim was to keep stakeholders informed of travel-related issues but also to encourage changes in travel behaviour. The mantra of ‘under promise and over deliver’ was central to this, channelled through a single agency to ensure a clear, unambiguous strategy. Part of this strategy could be described as scare tactics, or ‘The Big Scare’ (Currie 1998). Authorities encouraged the media to highlight potential transport problems during the Games and the negative consequences if there was no change to normal travel behaviour. The communication continued with warning messages throughout the Games, which ensured that the base load was reduced. Although not officially part of a Travel Demand Management strategy, such tactics have been observed in subsequent Games (Currie and Delbosc 2011; Shawcross 2011; Clean Air 2012).

Local implications of a global event Host cities are under intense pressure to run successful Games as failure can result in long-lasting negative imagery and a poor reputation for the host city. Atlanta remains synonymous with transport congestion. Such negative impacts also reflect directly on the IOC, as they own the Olympic brand. This pressure for success is exacerbated due to the billions of dollars the IOC demand for sponsorship and global TV rights. As highlighted by Jim Sloman, Chief Operating Officer for the Sydney Olympic Games: Members of the IOC are very important people in terms of making sure the Games [are] a success. The IOC at the end of the day owns the Olympic Games – they own the franchise. We put it on for them, but they actually can direct you to stop and start and do all sorts of things. They need to be looked after. (House of Commons Transport Committee 2005: 18)

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With such pressure exerted by the IOC and the complicated logistics of the Games themselves, it must be questioned as to why there is such competition between nations and cities to hold the event. Hosting a mega event is seen as a PR opportunity and a vehicle to showcase a city on the international stage. Nations view events such as the Olympics as a means for achieving alternative goals. These involve rejuvenation projects, economic and social development, nation building or leading the way to political liberalization. City authorities compete for business, offering incentives, such as tax breaks and subsidies, to attract investment (Jessop 2002). However, who benefits from this investment? Some would argue that the needs of smaller and less influential communities are overlooked in favour of multinational corporations, sponsors, property owners, developers and the middle-class consumers who are now regarded as synonymous with the well-being of the city (Gruneau 2002). The need to ‘get it right’ and impress the IOC can lead the host city to lose sight of its responsibility to the whole community. To win the bid for the Games, the host city must, as Jim Sloman proposes, ‘look after the IOC’ (House of Commons Transport Committee 2005: 18) and agree to their demands, even if these may have negative consequences for the local host population. The Games are marketed to the host nation as an opportunity for economic and social benefit; however, by entering the competition for the right to host the Games, the city authorities subsequently relinquish political power to the IOC. London did this without consultation of and agreement from the local host community. There is little questioning as to the validity of the power shift but the consequences are felt directly by the local population who either happily and willingly, or by feeling duty bound to support the Games, acquiesce. To criticise mega events, in particular an event with such strong imagery, is very difficult. The sporting event itself is seen as a force for good as sport is deemed ‘good for you’ and ‘makes you a better citizen’ (Hall 2006: 67). In fact, ensuring that the local community and the whole nation are behind the event is central to its success. One area where the impact of the IOC on host cities is directly felt is the implementation of Olympic lanes, the ‘O Lanes’; that is, the use of dedicated Olympic roads, exclusively for the use of the ‘Olympic Family’, which consists of Olympic officials, the media, sponsors, coaches and athletes. These lanes have become a permanent feature of the Olympics since Athens (Bovy 2006). The Greek capital had a reputation as a heavily congested city and, with the negative images of delayed athletes and officials at the Atlanta Games still vivid in IOC memories, the Athenian authorities were required by the IOC to deliver a designated network system for the ‘Olympic Family’. The solution was to develop an Olympic Route Network (ORN), 260 kilometres of dedicated road space, 35 per cent of which were ‘O Lanes’ that would be purely for the use of the ‘Olympic Family’. Beijing followed Athens by implementing 300 kilometres of Olympic lanes. However, this was only successful because of the achievement of an estimated 43 per cent daily reduction of the base road traffic, equal to 1.3 million cars (Bovy 2007). This

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high reduction in base load traffic was as a result of the imposed odd/even license number policy described earlier.

The largest peacetime logistics strategy: London’s transport policy for the 2012 Olympics Immediately after the announcement that London would host the 2012 Games, a contract between the IOC, the Mayor of London and the British Olympics Authority was signed. It contained a long list of specific demands and far-reaching privileges. Central to this contract was the requirement for safe, secure and reliable transport for all the ‘Olympic Family’. This requirement would be met by the creation and implementation of an ORN, which guaranteed exclusive access to selected roads in London (House of Lords 2005). To ensure the delivery of the transport projects, the UK Government rushed through Parliament the London Olympics Act 2006. The Act shifts power from the local traffic authorities to the Olympic Delivery Authority (ODA), an unelected organization set up specifically for the delivery of the Games. The consequences of the power shift were that ODA had taken power from the elected representatives of London and their agencies. The Act also required the local highway, traffic or street authority to obtain the consent of the ODA for any of its actions that might have impacted on the running of the 2012 Games (House of Lords 2005). Organizing transport provision for the Olympics in London was described by Peter Hendy, London Transport Commissioner, as ‘the largest peacetime logistics exercise’ (Hendy 2011: 3). The imposition of the ORN on London’s already congested system would only add to this problem as it eventually encompassed 109 miles of roads linking transport hubs, such as Heathrow, with the Olympic venues. For traffic to move smoothly and quickly along its routes, certain changes to the normal traffic measures had to be implemented. These, and the possible implication of the changes, are highlighted in Table 6.1 below. The ORN was promoted to regular users as being available to all, except a quarter of the network, the designated ‘O Lanes’, that were for the exclusive use of the Olympic Family. Prohibiting the use of the entire road network would have a considerable impact on the normal users. Many of these would not be benefiting from or participating in the Games. Although there was appreciation by many Londoners of the requirement to ensure that athletes and officials could quickly and safely journey around the city, many questioned the size of this Olympic Family. This exclusive group had almost 100,000 members, including the press, broadcasters and Olympic marketing partners. Table 6.2 details who was a ‘Family’ member and the reason for their inclusion. Use of the ORN, with its restrictions, has been found to be a controversial issue for Londoners. A Mori survey conducted two years before the Games found half of the sample supported the ORN but 45 per cent did not. The majority of respondents were critical about the size and scope of the extended Olympic Family. They did not want the lanes used by journalists and other

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Table 6.1 Road changes to make an ORN Change

Possible impact

Traffic signals: timings were developed for the Games to provide greater capacity and journey reliability Restricted turns and road closures: side road closures to general traffic were required Curbside controls: parking, waiting and loading restrictions Games Lanes: one-quarter of the ORN was restricted to Games vehicles and bluelight emergency vehicles on call

Non-Games road users would have less priority which could increase their journey time Reduction in the level of cross traffic – thereby making journeys longer and more difficult Delivery drivers were unable to deliver stock as they usually would Reduced road capacity on some of the busiest routes within the city, thereby increasing pressure on the rest of the network Longer journeys for users of public transport and for pedestrians

Suspensions of some bus lanes, bus stops and pedestrian-crossing facilities

non-sporting members. London Councils were also unhappy about the scope of the Olympic Family and the perceived impact of the ORN on London’s streets. They questioned whether Olympic marketing partners should be included and suggested they be recommended to use public transport. This was not agreed due to the importance the IOC placed on these partners and their financial contribution to its own wealth and the Games (Beard 2010). The Olympic Family not only had exclusive rights to these O Lanes but were to be transported around these lanes in a 4,000-strong fleet of BMWs (De Castella 2012). The image of ‘The Family’ being whisked through

Table 6.2 Composition of the 2012 Olympic Family Olympic Family member

Estimated numbers

Athletes and team officials 18,000 Technical officials

5,000

Press

8,000

Broadcasters Olympic and Paralympics Family Marketing partners Source: ODA (2009: 32–3)

20,000 6,000 25,000

Who are they and their role in? Support staff, such as coaches, medical, technical and administrative personnel Responsible for the delivery of a fair and timely competition for athletes Record and share the stories of the Games with the world Broadcasters who have exclusive rights to transmit pictures and images Staff of the IOC and the IPC International, and domestic dignitaries Sponsors and their guests

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London’s streets in a range of luxury cars evoked imagery similar to the days of the Zil lanes in Communist Russia, a reference to the special treatment given to senior officials and members of the Communist Party in the Soviet Union. They were driven around in Zil limousines in dedicated lanes. MP John Whittingdale commented on the possible implications of this privilege. ‘There is a real risk of people sitting there stationary in their cars and then some black BMW goes whizzing past in a near-empty lane’ (Cameron 2012). Reducing the negative impacts of the Olympics on traffic would also be especially challenging, given that the ORN would decrease and change the use of road space. It was estimated that, for the ORN to be successful, a 25 per cent reduction in traffic base load was required (Bovy 2010). To help reduce demand, businesses were asked by the London Olympic authorities to:  Re-time the delivery and reception of goods during quieter times or stock up before the Games;  Re-route deliveries to other depots;  Reduce delivery journeys by consolidating multiple orders or working with other businesses on delivery;  Re-mode deliveries by cycling or walking, or using a driver’s mate to minimize drop-off parking (Hendy 2011). Many of these proposals, which are designed to reduce the negative impacts of the ORN, could have a detrimental effect on business’s day-to-day operation. The objective of the ORN, as already described, was to improve traffic flow through the city for the Olympic Family. However, as much of the ORN included the busiest roads in the British capital, this would cause increased congestion on other roads and disrupt the general traffic flow within the city. With such a significant impact, there were legitimate questions that needed to be asked.

Research findings (I): communicating the TDM strategy. How have businesses been informed as to the impact of these TDM measures? Our results show that to achieve the level of reduction on the base load required, the Olympic Delivery Authority (ODA) alongside Transport for London (TfL) initiated a targeted campaign aimed at companies called ‘Keep on running’. It was recognized that catering for the Olympics would mean it was business as ‘Un-usual’ and gave advice on how they would like businesses to adapt their operations. Transport for London adopted a targeted approach to persuade companies to engage in Travel Demand Management measures. This approach ranged from one-on-one advice for large employers to the leafleting of smaller organizations. However, it was not practical for TfL to contact directly all businesses in London. Therefore, TfL relied on the support of trade organizations and the consumer press. More than a year before the start of the Games, businesses were invited to seminars to be informed of the ORN and the expected

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increase in demand that would be placed on the transport network. Throughout this process, there was a concerted effort to encourage businesses to change their working practices. These included promoting working from home, allowing employees to take extra leave, re-timing office hours, relocating meetings and working outside London. All the various communications strategies employed reinforced the same theme of the ‘re-time, re-route, reduce, re-mode’ policy. The clear message being communicated through the TfL seminars was that ‘the Games will be a success’ and that they would be a fantastic opportunity for London and the local business community. It was recognized that TfL had invested heavily in Travel Demand Management measures to ensure that the network could cope with the millions of additional spectators. Throughout all aspects of the communication process, including seminars, the Internet, brochures and leaflets, the underlying message was that businesses must cooperate for this success to be realized. Businesses attending the presentations understood that the Olympics would cause transport issues but were expecting that additional resources would be provided by TfL to alleviate the possible impacts on them. It was billed as a review of the contingency plans that TfL had in place for the Games period. Simon, from an engineering company, who attended a seminar on behalf of his employers, reported: The message I got out of it was actually there is no contingency plan. Businesses were expecting TfL to say, you carry on as normal and we will have these other things running in the background, so you probably won’t be impacted too much. Many were surprised to find out this was not the case. Most businesses that we spoke to felt that the campaign had been well organized and efficient. They also noticed the ‘scare tactic’ that repeatedly drew attention to congestion issues. All those who had attended a TfL seminar referred to an image depicting excessive queuing at the Atlanta Games: They showed us that (a picture believed to be of Atlanta; AJ and JW) and that is how not to do it, and TfL are determined that is not going to happen. It was ridiculous with thousands trying to get away, it took nine hours to clear. So, I guess that is quite scary. (Peter, PR agency) Such horror stories were used to highlight the congestion and delays that would occur if business did not cooperate, and the use of such a vivid image was thought to be effective: I think they go in with a base of it is going to be horrendous unless people change their plans and that probably is the case. But I think they

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are pushing it so hard, that they will have the effect that they want to and things will be OK. (Adam, Financial Services, Contingency Planning Manager) To support the official messages, the interviewees alluded to the unofficial press campaign. Sean, working in financial services, remembered when needing support from senior management there was a marked change in attitude. Originally, his senior partner said: No! Far too early I think, we are talking miles off! … and then all of a sudden an article appears front page of the [London Evening] Standard and all of a sudden our lead partnership are going ‘hang on! Maybe we do need to focus a bit of attention on this at this time.’ TfL Commissioner Peter Hendy, talking to the London Evening Standard, advised commuters to change their travel patterns so that peaks in demand would be more spread out. ‘We’re not saying, don’t travel home at 5 p.m. but for those who can, go to the pub and travel at 6.30 p.m. instead’. Hendy’s key rule for travel during the Olympics was ‘if you don’t have to be there, don’t go there. If your boss will let you work from home on some or all of the Olympic days, try to do so’ (Neather 2012: 21).

Research findings (II): responding to the TDM strategy. How do businesses plan to react to these measures and what steps are they taking, if any? Although the TDM campaign brought attention to the transport issues, not all businesses responded in the same way. The research identified different levels of engagement and responsiveness. These fell into the following three categories:  Supportive and active – primarily large multinational companies that could and were willing to engage and wanted to be seen as supportive and accommodating.  Unsupportive but active – mostly logistics organizations and those that were severely impacted.  Unsupportive and inactive – largely small-sized businesses with little or no options and medium-sized companies who did not believe it was their responsibility to engage. Multinational companies, of course, generally had the size, scope and expertise to respond to the TDM strategy and regarded this as a matter of normal business operation. They were able and willing to implement most measures asked of them by TfL despite possible negative implications. For large businesses, the impact of the Olympics was something that they believed

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they could absorb and prepare for. Adam, responsible for contingency planning in financial services, referred to his senior management expectations: ‘I think that they just want us to be prepared. And there is an expectation that we will be, it is part of the normal day-to-day contingency planning for business as usual.’ For businesses with an international presence and global reputation, implementing TDM measures would help the operation of the Olympics were regarded as part of their responsibility. ‘As a good citizen of London, it’s what we should do, it’s our “London Responsibility” our “London Social Responsibility”; you could say it’s part of our Corporate Social Responsibility program’ (Paul, Financial Consultancy Group). These organizations, due to their global presence, felt it was their duty and recognized the importance of being seen to be cooperative to ensure that the Games would be a success. Some medium- and smaller-sized enterprises had no option but to make changes, and for them this could have serious detrimental implications. Operations with complex logistic, such as London’s meat, fish, fruit and vegetable markets, which have trading rights stretching back to Edward III (1327), identified severe problems. The restrictions placed on the road network meant that unless they changed operations considerably, they would have neither goods nor customers. Don Tylor (Billingsgate Fish Market) expressed his concern with regard to the ORN. ‘It will be very, very sad if the outcome of the Olympics was to do something that two world wars couldn’t do, which is close Billingsgate.’ To facilitate the continued operation of this historic market, the opening times were changed, being brought forward by four hours. Trading would now cease before 6.00 a.m. to coincide with the start of restrictions on the road network. By having to comply with TfL’s road requirements, through re-timing its operations, Billingsgate Fish Market was now unable to take advantage of the possible business opportunity presented by London hosting the Games. ‘Millions of people coming to our capital and we would love to show Billingsgate off. The way it has panned out, unfortunately … these millions of people will not be able to get to see us.’ Don was very aware and fearful that taking away the rights to the streets could result in the market losing business. Companies that depended upon London’s road network were forced to comply with the restrictions imposed due to the implementation of the ORN. Even though the ORN had been promoted as less than 1 per cent of the total road network, businesses involved in delivering in and around London expected there to be far-reaching problems. Dave (Logistics Manager) identified some of the changes his colleagues were having to make: But it is the major routes and the major arteries, and it is those arteries which will affect us … there will be major congestion on those routes which will affect us … we need to work around those peak hours, which are expected to be somewhere between seven thirty and ten, and then

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again from about four to seven. So we are talking to our sites and those sites that can take deliveries out of hours, we will be delivering to them out of hours. For those businesses that could change operations, there were increased costs: It will cost us – there will be some additional operating costs. But we also know we have a client base and a very loyal client base, and we have to provide a service during this period. If it costs 1 per cent or 2 per cent more – then that is something we have got to take on the chin. (Dave, Logistics Manager) However, some businesses did not have the flexibility to change delivery times or allow employees to work from home. ‘Businesses with two or three staff, they may not have the capability to enable someone on their staff to be on their premises at twelve at night. So there are concerns’ (Tim, Federation of Small Businesses). The threat posed by the TDM measures could even lead to the demise of some. Referring to one of his key customers Howard, an independent trader, explained the problems: He just doesn’t know how we are going to deliver to his shop because he thinks there is going to be no parking … you are not even going to be able to pull up outside his shop, this one particular place, even if you could get there. And he has been told by TfL that maybe he should consider different opening hours. But it is a butcher’s shop, so it is like … what are you suggesting? The open[ing] hours are for the public … he is actually just talking about … closing the shop for the period, which is pretty dramatic. Small businesses were especially fearful of the implications of the ORN. The Federation of Small Businesses reported that a number of firms expected their operating capacity would be cut by up to 70 per cent (FSB 2012) as a result of road restrictions. Some businesses, even though they appreciated the implications of the increased pressure on the transport network, were unwilling to change their operational practices. They were waiting for other businesses to comply and hopeful they would not need to. ‘I am hoping some people will take the advice and work at home … give us some sort of space’ (June, film production). Our research clearly revealed that although there was realization that nine million additional Olympic visitors would cause considerable congestion, the reaction was one of stoic resilience: Most people have just shrugged and said they will get on with it. And I think given the experience when it snows, when there are transport crises and when there are tube strikes, 95 per cent to 100 per cent of our staff

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This attitude was consistent with most of our interviewees: We are going to operate as normally as we can. People will be expected to turn up and yes … we had these things … we had the snow and you know whatever it is, there is always disruption somewhere and people still struggle in. (Simon, engineering company) Other businesses and their employees argued that they were used to dealing with the unexpected: When I think of Londoners – I am always astonished actually, as to how resilient they are when enduring some difficulty with the transport. If you look at the London bombings, you know back four or five years ago, people were coming to work the next day. (June, film production)

Research findings (III): assessing the TDM strategy. How do businesses feel about the demands being made of them and the effect on their business? All our interview partners were thoroughly supportive of the Olympics being held in London despite the possible transport problems, and the realization that the Games may not bring the promised financial rewards hoped for. Some were very positive from the start. As Don Tylor (Billingsgate Fish Market) enthused, ‘We were first made aware of the Olympics when the announcement was made … and of course we were all thrilled to bits.’ Others became more enthusiastic as the start date neared: Well, when they talked about bidding for the Olympics, I must say, I was a bit negative about it, because I thought we can’t even run the transport system. I have become a great supporter of it, and I am really proud that we have got the Olympics and I actually managed to get tickets to events, and we are really chuffed about that. So I think it is a great thing, it is a great showcase. (Howard, independent trader) Pride in hosting this prestigious event and the development of a community spirit certainly helped to ensure TDM compliance. Businesses recognized that for them to benefit, the Olympics had to be a success. For many, the sacrifices and changes to operational practices would be regarded as having been

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worthwhile if the Games result in increased business opportunities. ‘So, I think, for London PLC it is a really good idea’ (June, film production). Some interview partners, however, questioned whether these sacrifices would be worthwhile. ‘Stratford will be our legacy, but I think the price we are going to pay is pretty significant’ (Simon, engineering company). The requirement of the host community to ‘make way’ on the roads and on the public transport network for the Olympics was not appreciated by many until the impacts were explained by TfL. Small businesses’ expectations of how much the Games would benefit their company had lessened as the implications of the TDM measures had crystallized. Tracking of their members by the Federation of Small Businesses identified that there had been a fall in the percentage of their membership who believed that the Games would have a positive impact on their trade. It fell from 22 per cent in August 2011 to 13 per cent April 2012. Those who believed the Olympics would have a negative impact on their business had increased from 24 per cent in August 2011 to 38 per cent in April 2012 (FSB 2012). The survey also revealed that their biggest concern was the impact of the ORN. However, there was an expectation that hosting the Olympics would have a positive long-term impact on the city: We genuinely hope that there will be this bounce that won’t just be seen through the Games but after it. Particularly on the tourism side, it will be felt for years to come. There is kind of like a two-year period where we think that London has that kind of ‘place in the sun’. And we do hope that we see those long-term benefits, whether it is procurement or just general people coming to invest in London. (Tim, Federation of Small Businesses)

Conclusion Our research project was concerned with the implementation of TDM on London’s transport system during the 2012 Olympic Games, with specific focus on the impact on the business community. Through interviewing a wide variety of businesses, we identified how the TDM strategy was communicated to them, their ability and willingness to comply with such measures and their evaluations of the requests being made of them. To win the right to host the Games, London had to agree to the IOC’s demands, which included significant changes to the access of London’s transport network. To achieve this, power for implementing transport policy in London was transferred from local authorities and placed in the hands of the ODA and TfL, who implemented TDM measures and the ORN. To gain support and achieve compliance, TfL embarked on a comprehensive communication strategy targeting London’s business community. The success of engaging businesses and making them comply with TDM measures was the result of several tactics. These varied depending upon the

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audience and what requirements were being asked of them. Through TfL’s one-to-one consultants, large organizations were encouraged to change their operational procedures in order to reduce the base load. For smaller companies, the objective was to provide information to help them prepare for possible transport disruptions. The communication strategy for organizations directly impacted by the ORN was to ensure that they were fully informed of the impact on the road network and to aid with developing solutions for them. Engagement with business was supported by articles in the consumer and trade press which reiterated TfL’s message of ‘re-time, re-route, reduce, re-mode’. Our research partners recognized that there was a ‘scare tactic’ in both the business engagement programme and the journalistic coverage to help promote the changes required. Our findings show that TDM did have a considerable impact on businesses planning for their operations within London for the period of the Olympics. Although there was a comprehensive campaign to promote TDM measures, not all companies responded with equal conviction; some did not feel able or duty bound to change their operation. Larger organizations were mostly happy to comply and some took the position that, as part of their Corporate Social Responsibility, they would endeavor to reduce as much as possible. Smaller organizations saw it as the responsibility of their employees to deal with the problems caused by transport congestion, as experience had told them that their staff could, and would, cope. The imposition of the ORN left few options for those who were reliant upon the road network. Though this would result in fundamental changes to their business operations, they appreciated the need for such measures and were prepared to implement whatever was necessary to ensure business continuity. This was particularly poignant for small businesses who did not have the capability to plan or the capacity to accommodate the changes required. The Olympics, as a unique sporting event and potential vehicle for positive change, was welcomed, although businesses were fearful that they would be negatively affected. Some were surprised that the onus was on them to change their behaviour rather than on TfL to create extra capacity, but once the need for TDM was understood, the overall attitude was supportive. Willingness to engage with TDM was primarily to protect their business, but was also to help ensure the Games were successful, as this would hopefully allow London to enjoy its ‘place in the sun’. Our preliminary investigation has identified a number of issues and questions that future research could address: To what extent did the travel restrictions in London imposed by the ORN impact on small and medium-sized businesses? If the expected and promoted benefits do not materialize, will people start to question the overwhelming positive discourse about the far-reaching benefits attributed to hosting mega events?

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Are there any long-term implications and changes with reference to transportation and commuting arrangements that, for example, affect delivery time and working hours? The 2016 Olympics is to be held in Rio de Janeiro, which will create its own unique set of transport problems. A comparable study of this city’s approach to TDM in forging business compliance would provide insights that could aid in the development of TDM strategies for future mega events.

Epilogue Although the research for this chapter took place in the first half of 2012, and was therefore primarily concerned with reactions to and planning for the travel restriction, prior to the Summer Olympics in London, we decided to offer a few preliminary comments on what actually happened during the Games period. The concerted campaign by TfL and London authorities to engage businesses in complying with TDM and accommodate the ORN proved to be fairly successful. London’s Mayor, Boris Johnson, announced London Underground carried 4.4 million passengers on Friday, 3 August, more than on any other day in its history (TfL 2012). This was the busiest day of the Olympics and the network coped well. However, during the first week of the Olympics, some argued that the TDM measures were too successful. Theatres, restaurants, shops and bars complained their trade had fallen dramatically during the first few days of the Games due to the ‘scare mongering about transport difficulties’ (Rawlinson et al. 2012). Restaurateurs in central London reported that ‘people seem to have stayed away because they expect it to be busy. We ordered in extra stock, we cancelled all holiday. I am just hoping that people will realize that it is not as crowded as they thought’ (Rawlinson et al. 2012). In response to these concerns, a recorded public transport announcement on the tube network, made by Mayor Johnson, which warned travellers about possible transport congestion and asking them to stay home, was turned off. Traffic on the road networks was also reduced to such an extent that TfL were able to relax restrictions on the ORN to 40 per cent of the original capacity (TfL 2012). Several Olympic lanes were redesignated and made accessible to all of London’s traffic. This poses the question, whether TDM measures have been more successful than anticipated or the level of restrictions that the ORN imposed on London’s road network was greater than necessary. Interestingly, members of the Olympic Family including VIPs, such as Jacques Rogge, President of the International Olympic Committee, elected to use public transport rather than take advantage of their exclusive access to the ORN for selected journeys. Even though these TDM measures may have been excessive and negatively impacted London’s businesses, the overall consensus was that it was worthwhile

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because this was the Olympic Games and was a once in a generation opportunity. As the Chief Executive Officer of Nimax Theatres enthused ‘though sales could be as low as 30% down on last year … The Olympics has been great for the spirit of the country and very unifying’ (Rawlinson et al. 2012).

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7

A day at the races Critical reflections of an insider Steven Goss-Turner

‘Racing Post is it, as usual?’ This is the greeting from the corner shop newsagent every Saturday, when I approach his chaotic counter, strewn with newspapers, bags of crisps and always, most curiously, a box of eggs. Our ritualistic encounter usually continues as he announces, pointing to my daily horse-racing publication with a smirk, ‘All the winners are in here.’ And I forever come back with an equally ironic, ‘And all the losers, too.’ From this minor social exchange can be seen some of the abiding characteristics of horse-racing in Britain. For many people, it is a part of our society’s daily sporting life, with race-meeting events scheduled to take place on every day of the year except Good Friday and Christmas Day. It inhabits many commercial enterprises and media outlets, from the specialist racing press to coverage in every national daily newspaper and their websites, to terrestrial television and two dedicated satellite television channels which broadcast racing from home and abroad with almost continuous 24-hour coverage. It provides a social venue and spectacle for both corporate hospitality purposes and private leisure. Racing is also firmly established as a cornerstone of the gambling and bookmaking industry, horse-racing being the traditional focus for betting in the UK. And yet it is much more. It is a sporting industry that attracts a wide range of stakeholders, from the racecourse owners, operators and racecourse employees to the racehorse owners and breeders, the trainers and their stable staff, the jockeys and, of course, the bookmakers and betting firms whose commercial success is dependent on the racing enthusiast betting on more losers than winners. The government is also an enthusiast as racing has been valued at more than £3.7 billion to the British economy (Deloitte 2009), employing a workforce of over 100,000 personnel. Tax revenue to the Treasury was estimated at £300 million per annum by the same report, with more than £12 billion being wagered on horse-racing in Britain in 2008 (Deloitte 2009). Deloitte’s analysis placed racing second only to football in its economic value to the nation, stressing also its economic contribution to tourism, leisure, agricultural and rural economies. There are 60 licensed professional racecourses across the UK, some in syndicate ownership by major leisure firms: in 2010, there were over 14,000 racehorses in training

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according to a report by the British Horseracing Authority (BHA), the regulatory body of the sport. These undoubtedly impressive statistics also need to be considered within the socio-cultural context of racing, a phenomenon which will be explored within this account of the experience known as ‘a day at the races’. For some people, that experience might be a once-a-year event, perhaps as a group of friends or co-workers, out for the whole day to have fun, to be thrilled by the spectacle of the colours of jockeys’ silks, seduced by the excitement of trying to back a winner and in awe at the majestic sight of immaculately groomed thoroughbred racehorses, trained to gallop at speeds in excess of 40 miles an hour in the sprint races. For other people, it is a regular occurrence, an integral way in which they spend their leisure time, especially at the weekend or at the famous events that have become embedded in the national consciousness and in the sporting and social calendars, such as Royal Ascot, the Cheltenham Festival, the Derby at Epsom and the Grand National Steeplechase at Aintree, Liverpool (Barrett 1995; Wilson 2011). Such headline events reach a vast audience through television and the media in general, but also from every one of the 9,000 betting shops in the UK and the rapidly increasing number of online racing and betting websites. High-profile race meetings also attract many television viewers in their own homes, both regular and occasional devotees and gamblers, with the Grand National regularly attracting ten million viewers in the UK and a worldwide television audience of 600 million (BHA 2010). However, the extensive media coverage of such events also brings to prominence some of the enduring conflicts and political challenges within the sport. The 2012 Grand National, a steeplechase over 30 fences and four and a half miles in distance, resulted in two horse fatalities, creating widespread and very public condemnation from a range of observers, many of them not explicitly animal rights campaigners. In terms of other allegations of horse-racing being a cruel sport and exploitative of the animals, there has been controversy over the use of the riding whip used by jockeys determined to exact a little more effort and speed near that crucial winning post. Within a more social and cultural context, there have been many critical commentators on a sport that seems to them to be an activity designed by the rich and the aristocratic for the rich and the aristocratic, epitomizing class differences and inequality within our society (Cassidy 2004, 2007; Fox 2005). In order to explore these issues, the conflicts and the rivalries within the sport of horse-racing, I have chosen an ethnographic approach, incorporating a high degree of critical reflexivity concerning the experience of the event of racing as a cultural phenomenon and construction. So now is the time to see for ourselves, to immerse ourselves in the event and the spectacle of horseracing, so join me for a day’s racing at what many consider to be the most important centre of racing and racehorse training and breeding in the country. I am going to be your critical guide on our day at the races, drawing on a personal interest and fascination with the sport that can be traced back

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more than 50 years. During that time, I have been a constant observer and analyst of the sport through television and the racing press, a participating enthusiast by attending race meetings whenever possible, and been more directly involved by being part-owner of two racehorses. We are off to the small but, in horse-racing terms, truly historic town of Newmarket in the county of Suffolk, East Anglia.

Why Newmarket? The town of Newmarket, 65 miles from London, has a population c.15,000, and most of those inhabitants will have some direct or indirect connection to the sport of horse-racing. This is the main centre within the country for the breeding and training of the thoroughbred racehorse, a place often referred to by people in the sport as ‘Headquarters’. The reason for its importance to racing takes us back to the seventeenth century, and to the sport’s inseparable linkage to the monarchy and to nobility. King James I (aka King James VI of Scotland) took a liking to the place for its wide and flat landscape, ideal for hunting with hounds and his passion for hawking, eventually building a royal palace there for his convenience. Throughout the difficult years of the reign of the Stuarts, from King James to both King Charles I and King Charles II, early horse-racing events were developed by the monarch and his aristocratic members of court, although such a frivolous pursuit was banned during the Puritan period when England was ruled by Oliver Cromwell, following the execution of Charles I. It was, in fact, Charles II who really made Newmarket the centre for a rapidly growing and very popular sport, and he himself rode in some races, personally instituting the first properly organized races such as the Royal Plate, begun in 1665 (Mortimer et al. 1978). His nickname of ‘Old Rowley’, named after one of his favourite horses, eventually became the name of one of the two full-sized racecourses at Newmarket, the Rowley Mile. The patronage of royalty and the attendant aristocracy led to the overt elitism of the sport, known to this day as the ‘sport of kings’, a sport for the wealthy and titled, reserved for those in the highest social classes (Cassidy 2004; Vamplew 1989). Racing’s early development was undoubtedly a project for monarchs and aristocrats, those who could afford to breed and own racehorses, to place private wagers or bets on their horses and employ servants to tend to their animals back at their stables. In the eighteenth century, such individuals decided to form themselves into the then ruling authority of racing, known ironically as the Jockey Club. Based in Newmarket, of course, this was neither a club nor had any connection with jockeys (considered to be from the servant class), but a group of racing enthusiasts who just happened to be members of the House of Lords (Vamplew 1989; Mortimer et al. 1978). Also in the eighteenth century, Queen Anne, a keen racegoer herself, decided that an area of heath close to Windsor Castle would make a fine racecourse venue of great geographical convenience to her, especially as being exceedingly stout, she found travelling to the races

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somewhat distressing. The institution of Royal Ascot, a five-day festival of racing, attended by most of the royal family every day, was thus initiated in 1711 (Onslow 1990). The nineteenth century saw local race meetings becoming major social events for a much wider audience. The artist Sir Alfred Munnings, famed for his paintings of racehorses, writes of his visit to the races in 1899, recording his ‘thrill of the thoroughbred horses and jockeys in bright silk colours’ and also the sight of ‘roundabouts, shooting galleries, swinging-boats and coconut shies, large eating and drinking tents and thousands of oranges blazing in the sun’ (Munnings 1950: 66). Royal patronage of both racehorse breeding and ownership has continued to modern times, both these elements of horse-racing being a significant passion for Queen Elizabeth II, whose Diamond Jubilee celebrations began with a ‘day at the races’, to watch the Epsom Derby in June 2012. Later that month, the Queen watched one of her own home-bred horses win a race at Royal Ascot, the race being named, most appropriately, the Queen’s Vase, a race first run in 1838 and named after a trophy donated to Ascot by Queen Victoria. In terms of Newmarket becoming the centre of British horse-racing, this large area of flat grassland, treeless open spaces and low density of human population, enabled an industry to develop over the following centuries. Newmarket not only boasts two self-contained racecourses and 50 miles of training gallops, but is also home to 75 racehorse training stables, within which there are 3,000 horses, plus the administration centre of racing and the National Horseracing Museum. There are also 65 stud farms, including the National Stud, where the highest quality stallions, formerly classic-winning racehorses themselves, await the visits of breeders’ mares from around the country in the hope of producing another champion. This breeding aspect of horse-racing is a highly controlled process for ensuring the purity of the particular breed of horse known as the thoroughbred. Every thoroughbred racehorse can have its male line of descent traced back to one of three founding stallions (of the Arabian breed) brought to this country by English aristocrats from the Middle East in around the year 1700, named Darley Arabian, Byerley Turk and the Godolphin Arabian (Mortimer et al. 1978; Barrett 1995). Due to the oil-based wealth and more recent economic development of the Middle East, especially countries like the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Saudi Arabia, the worldwide breeding and racing industry once again has a major Arabian involvement, the horse being considered so central to the Arab cultural history. Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al-Maktoum of Dubai and his extended family have invested heavily in UK horse-racing since the late 1970s, owning one of the major Newmarket breeding studs, several training stables in the town and also owning many horses in training, under the historic name of ‘Godolphin’ (Magee 1989), in clear homage to the cultural and historic links to the founding stallions. As we shall see on our own ‘day at the races’ at Newmarket, the historical, social, political and cultural contexts

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that have helped to form the sport are an important backdrop for an understanding of the spectacle and significance of horse-racing and its inherent challenges (see also Cassidy 2007).

Our day at the races The planning of a day’s horse-racing needs to take into account a number of factors relevant to attendance at any event: travel arrangements (today by car); arrival at the racecourse well before the first race on the card (2.00 pm is the scheduled time for the first contest); we will need to plan our luncheon arrangements prior to the races beginning; and estimate how much money will be needed for the entrance fee and betting money (never take more than you can afford to lose is the old mantra here). In terms of the price of admission, here we hit upon the first factor affected by the specific sociocultural characteristics and resulting spatial arrangements and social classifications of horse-racing and racecourses. Entrance fees are dependent on which of three enclosed areas of the racecourse in which we wish to be based for the day. At Newmarket, as with most British racecourses, there are three types and classes of enclosures with associated admission price differentials; the Premier and Members’ Club Stand, the Grandstand (sometimes called Tattersalls after a famous horse auctioneer) and the Garden Enclosure (sometimes known as the Silver Ring). Each area is railed off from the other, preserving a coherent social and cultural environment of its own (Fox 2005). The Premier Stand is naturally the most palatially appointed, with wideranging and costly facilities. It is also situated by the winning post of the racecourse, so that racegoers in this enclosure actually view the finish from a directly adjacent position. The admission tickets cost £30–40 per person per day, the amount dependent on the quality of the racing on a particular racecard, although a members’ annual season ticket for this club can be obtained, which reduces the overall daily rate if used regularly. There is a ‘Premier’ car park nearby which is only for clients about to pay for admission to this area, and there is a further parking area restricted to Annual Members, and still a further car park for racehorse owners and trainers who have their own private facilities within the Premier Stand. The Premier Stand at Newmarket has its own splendid entrance, private boxes (including one reserved for royalty) that can be hired at considerably more cost, and for our pre-racing lunch there is a gourmet restaurant called ‘The Champion’s Gallery’, or a bistro as an alternative eatery and a ‘Champagne and Oyster Bar’. The major bookmakers have a discrete presence in this stand, positioned along the rail between the Premier and Grandstand enclosures. Another factor we must take into account is the dress code. Scanning the Newmarket races highly informative website reveals that the dress code for its Premier Stand is: ‘smart, with jackets and ties for gentlemen, and racegoers will not be admitted if wearing jeans, collarless shirts, shorts, trainers, unduly casual or extreme attire’.

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As a regular racegoer for many years, one who enjoys the cultural practices, social values, rituals and behavioural patterns of the horse-racing subculture, I prefer the ambience and clubbiness of the Premier Stand. So, if you do not mind, that is where we are heading, aware that the day will be costly (especially if we have no luck in betting), and planning to arrive in order to have a good but not extravagant lunch in the Bistro, perhaps with a glass of fizz to begin the day with an enlivening sparkle. As it is a warm, dry summer’s day, I shall choose my Panama hat rather than the trilby, headwear being a critical item, the done thing, as it were, for a gentleman at the races, especially in the Premier Stand. We will also, of course, gather together the remaining paraphernalia required for this event: the binoculars in their case, the racing newspaper bought earlier at the corner shop for pre-meeting study of the horses’ form, the lucky pen with which I keep a tally of my selections and the results of wagers, and, of course, sensible shoes for walking the course before racing, another ritual for us devotees. This means an even earlier arrival, but allows one to test out the firmness or softness of the turf, a crucial factor in making one’s selections, and also gets the appetite to a peak for lunch. One also meets so many like-minded people walking around the racecourse perimeter, who are reservedly jolly, say ‘good morning’ or nod, and who look rather like us in terms of attire, demeanour and attendant paraphernalia. Albeit temporarily, we will feel such a sense of belonging to this subculture and group, enjoying being associated with it, conforming and revelling in all its constraints and restrictions that determine our behaviour (see Douglas 1996). Over the rail inhabited by the upmarket bookmakers, we can see the Grandstand enclosure, further from the winning post (though a big-screen television helps with viewing the finish, if somewhat lacking in authenticity), with a range of facilities suited to a more modest budget, admission being around £20. There is a public car park, but now some distance from the stand itself, requiring a substantial walk to the turnstiles entrance point. There is a ‘Food Court’ cafeteria outlet and a number of bars named after famous jockeys of the past, such as ‘The Lester Piggott Bar’. Alcoholic drinks are available at many points of sale and normally until well after the racing has finished, and its sometimes euphoric influence on behaviour and reckless betting is a concern for racecourse management (Collins and Vamplew 2002). There are no such stringent dress codes, though the management will reserve the right to eject or refuse admission to those deemed unsuitably attired or behaving in an unseemly and raucous manner. These enclosures tend to be much noisier, often in mixed gender groups of friends, all out to have a good time and to have a good punt on the horses. This is the stand where the bookmakers really set out their stalls, with their now digital display boards of the runners and their odds, and a language and set of betting terminology designed to scare off any newcomer and their insignificant £2 betting strategy. Those of us ‘next door’ in the Premier/Club Stand can visit these bookmakers, however, showing our special entrance badge to the guard on

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the gate between the enclosures, before placing our bet and retiring to the tranquility of the members’ areas. Patrons of both the Premier and Grandstand enclosures have access to the ‘Paddock’ area, to view from the rails the wonderfully fit, groomed horses parade before each race. Only owners, trainers and jockeys are permitted into the paddock itself to discuss the race, to marvel at their horse, to plan the riding tactics and, in some cases, to be seen (Fox 2005). The Garden Enclosure might be considered one for families with young children who are not enthusiastic students of the ‘sport of kings’, often delighted at the provision of fairground rides and attractions, the free admission for youngsters and prices around £8 for adults. This area is furthest from the winning post, has no discernible dress code, has only a few bookmakers (unlikely that clients here will be betting in significant sums) and the hospitality provision is limited to fast food catering and a food court cafeteria. There is a fish and chips stall and mobile catering purveyors of Cornish pasties, burgers, hot dogs, ice cream and sweets. Patrons of this area do not have access to the paddock area but are able to view the races and the all-important finish at the winning post via the large-screen television placed in the centre of the racecourse. Racecourse websites across the country are trying to promote the event as an engaging and visually stimulating entertainment, and viewing the races themselves is a real challenge for many larger, non-circular racecourses, especially those like Newmarket, where the start of some races might be more than a mile and a half away. Before setting off for the racetrack, early morning, we need to do the research element of a day’s racing, the data collection and data analysis. From newspaper or website or both, a vast amount of data may be gathered and perused about each horse and each race. The race-cards in specialist racing newspapers or on racing websites are the first point of data collection: each horse, its owner, trainer, jockey, age, weight to be carried in a handicap, its draw (which stall will it start from), its gender, its breeding in terms of sire (father) and dam (mother), and a complete analysis of the horse’s previous outings and results. The variables are endless; the subcultural jargon and terminology a significant barrier to the uninitiated person’s entry to the sport. This data will reveal over what distances the horse has been most successful, on which types of courses, and on what ‘going’; that is, the state of the turf, whether firm, good, soft or heavy. American racetracks also have a nomenclature for a surface that has been subject to recent heavy rain: ‘sloppy’. This term has not caught on in the UK. The close breeding of all thoroughbred racehorses, as noted earlier, has led to certain dynastic lines preferring softer ground and others, more effective on firmer surfaces, so this is yet another potentially influential variable for the day in question. All these factors need to be borne in mind when deciding the selection for each race’s wager. The ‘nice name’ methodology, or the random application of a sharp pin research method, have no place in this intellectually demanding data analysis ritual (although may often lead to just as much success!).

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In scanning today’s race card and the owners and breeders involved, we observe the preponderance of names of power and wealth, even celebrity (footballers are much in evidence currently), that dominate the contemporary horse-racing scene. In racing male and female horses for speed on the flat, as opposed to geldings – or castrated male horses – racing over jumps, there is a strong link to breeding and to wealth. However, ownership power has gradually moved from the aristocratic beginnings to those of modern, commercially oriented wealth. In particular, power and dominance of the sport has moved to those who have consolidated ownership of both the breeding aspects as well as the racing. The most powerful currently in terms of both breeding their own horses prior to racing them are the families of the United Arab Emirates, such as the Maktoums of Dubai, with their Godolphin organization, Prince Khaled Abdullah of Saudi Arabia and the Aga Khan, as well as the hugely successful Coolmore operation based in the Republic of Ireland. This last organization is funded by some highly successful business people who have monopolized, through ownership, a number of leading stallions and mares for breeding purposes and retained a good number of the progeny for their racing careers in all major racing nations, such as the United States, France, China/Hong Kong, Japan and Australia. These owner–breeders are well in evidence at the Newmarket races today, including the participation of a three-year-old filly (young female horse) they did not breed themselves and that cost more than a million pounds as a yearling. Actually, not pounds, as British horses are still sold in guinneas, originally 21 shillings, or £1.05 in more contemporary currency. The traditions run deep. Breeding is the activity within racing where the highest rewards are to be found. For example, the prize money for the winner of the Epsom Derby may be a truly significant sum of around £900,000, but the value of that colt (young male horse) as a stallion is estimated to be over £5 million as a minimum. Rivalry between the Maktoums and the Coolmore organization has been such that they will not share each other’s stallions for breeding from their top mares, maintaining protection of their respective blood lines. However, such rivalry is not evident at the event, where the dignity of the Premier Stand is correctly maintained. The horse-racing industry has developed a response to the domination of a few global players, known as the racing syndicate or club. Study of the card today at Newmarket will reveal that some of the horses running are owned by a number of different racing clubs or partnership syndicates. Syndicates comprise up to 20 people who buy a share in a specific racehorse and who, therefore, jointly own the horse and share its winnings as well as its costs. One leading syndicate advertises shares at between £6,000 and £37,000. Clubs do not provide individuals with ownership rights but hundreds of people can become members through a small annual subscription, the largest such club having 20,000 members with a starting fee of only £185. Club members will receive benefits such as occasional owners’ badges for race meetings, receive news updates on the horses owned by the club and be offered stable visits.

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This process has undoubtedly democratized racehorse ownership and enabled many more people across the spectrum of social class and background to enter the sport in a participative and meaningful way. According to the BHA, there were 17,000 registered individual racehorse owners at the end of 2010, but also 2,500 partnerships/syndicates, representing over 100,000 people. Members of syndicates and clubs are allocated a certain number of entrance badges enabling them to go to the races as ‘the owners’ and enter the Premier Stand with their highly prized owner’s badge, and join their trainer in the hallowed space of the paddock and chat to the jockey (hopefully a famous jockey has been booked for the ride), and to be seen. Such organizations have certainly brought the esteem and exclusivity of racehorse ownership to a far greater number of people within society. Their immense popularity is testament to the image and social influence connected to racing as a sporting event embedded within the social consciousness of many people across the social classes. This chimes with a book I came across recently by anthropologist Rebecca Cassidy (2007), an insightful study of racing people in both the UK and USA, considering that many people outside the racing community or subculture develop strong desires to be inside, seduced by the image of glamour. Syndicates and clubs provide the means for and access to (a perception of) glamour for those with limited wealth and connections. Mention of owners, trainers and jockeys, as we continue our research, reminds us that racing is a product of the involvement of many different stakeholders in a once clearly stratified structure or hierarchy. Apart, perhaps, from the racing syndicates, we have noted that racehorse owners inevitably hail from the rich and powerful, social and cultural elite of societies. Racehorse trainers often share the same backgrounds, featuring a high proportion of those from an English public school education, although there are an increasing number of trainers who secured their wealth and patronage through being a top jockey, often coming from a more humble social background. Jockeys were originally perceived as members of the servant class, employees of the owner and trainer. In the course of my own racing connections of the past 50 years, jockeys would often be referred to by surname only, even by television commentators, and would perform the apparent genuflection of touching their riding helmet with the end of the riding whip as they approached the owner and trainer in the paddock. More recently, the fame of today’s jockeys, the commercial sponsorship elements and the more prominent media attention on racing has diminished such arcane behaviours and for celebrity jockeys such as Frankie Dettori and Tony McCoy (a recent BBC Television Sports Personality winner), it would appear that the owners would touch their metaphorical helmets with their metaphorical owners’ whips. Yet the class stratification does not end there. Racing stables are traditionally highly hierarchical organizations, from the trainer, still often referred to as the ‘Master’ of the stables or the yard, to a range of dedicated stable staff who ensure the smooth operation of the stable

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and the health, fitness and welfare of the very valuable horses. With no concern for sexist language or ‘political correctness’, stables have structures consisting of Head Lads (a senior stable staff individual who manages the yard), Travelling Head Lads (who supervise the horses on their journey to the racecourse and for the duration of the meeting), stable staff or grooms who each look after two or three racehorses and apprentice jockeys. The duties of stable staff are critical to the well-being of the horses in their care; they feed and check the well-being of their horses, they muck out the stables every morning, clean the riding tack and saddles, sweep the yard and go with their charges to the races, to lead them proudly around the paddock and hope they lead them back into the winner’s enclosure. Eventually, those with sufficient riding skills will get to ride out their horses in the training gallops under the watchful eye of the Head Lad and trainer. For a very small number, they might even have the riding talent to be taken on as an apprentice jockey. Some might see the incongruity of a stable lad or lass paid around £240 over a 6-day week being responsible for the care of a racehorse worth a million pounds. Later, as we walk around the racecourse, it is interesting to note the various actions and interactions of all these stakeholders who hail from so many different social and cultural backgrounds, possessing so many different skills, yet all playing their part in the event. The immaculate condition of racehorses, in terms of their grooming by their stable staff, is a notable feature as we view the horses in the paddock, often with plaited mains and tails, and the shining brilliance of highly polished leather saddles and racing tack. For an adoring public, some racehorses become household names themselves, such as Red Rum, Desert Orchid and Kauto Star. Standing by the paddock rails, we overhear the expressions of admiration of the racegoers about the parading horses, noting the shine on that one’s coat, the power and athleticism of the thoroughbred horse merely at the walk. For many such people, the racehorse epitomizes the beauty of an animal that is strong yet elegant, that is powerful yet responds to training, that is a physically imposing and large creature, weighing on average half a ton, yet can gallop at speeds of over 40 miles an hour in sprint races, that can equally endure a test of stamina and jumping ability over 4 miles (Barrett 1995). Horses are naturally herding animals and, in many ways, horse-racing is a formalization of that instinct, often demonstrated by horses that have unseated their jockeys or fallen, only to re-join, without the steering of their now prostrate pilot, the rest of the runners for the remainder of the race. However, on arrival at the races on this day, we are confronted and disturbed by a vehement and organized protest. There is a group of a dozen people making their presence felt in a very loud and ostentatious manner, fracturing the peace of the day and unsettling us with their banners and chants as we arrive with expectation of an indulgent afternoon’s racing, now made to question whether we are merely party to a cruel and exploitative event. Animal rights campaigners have long pointed to horse-racing as just such a sport, and recent unfortunate incidents have increased the awareness of

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the sport itself, the authorities and all its stakeholders to the potential longterm damage to its contemporary image and its financial attraction to sponsors. Horse-racing, like so many exciting sports, has elements of risk, risk of serious injury and death to the humans involved, such as stable staff and riders, and risk of injury and fatality to the horses themselves due to falls and accidents in racing. Horses may be strong and heavy bodied animals, but their speed is also due to their unique physical structure and conformation and the relative delicate physiology of their legs, which can fracture when travelling at speed or falling at a steeplechase fence (Pinchbeck et al. 2002). Of the millions who have watched the Grand National Steeplechase on BBC Television over recent years, few will have been unaffected by the sight, in 2011 for example, of green tarpaulins draped over the bodies of two dead racehorses whilst the field of runners bypassed the fence on the second circuit. The image was chilling. Racehorses can rarely be saved when major fractures occur, their substantial body weight needing to be supported by strong, undamaged legs for any quality of life to be maintained. Veterinary surgeons have to make quick decisions as to whether an injured racehorse can be saved or must be ‘put down’, humanely destroyed. The stakeholders of racing, from wealthy owners to the stable staff deeply affected by such accidents, are almost united in their defence of the sport, in their sadness but in their conviction that galloping and racing is loved by horses, it is what they have been bred for over centuries and whilst racing, they are cared for with the utmost sensitivity. However, they also know that there is a fine line between the excitement created by risk in a sport or leisure pursuit based on an animal and the repeated and public condemnation of fatalities which leads to calls for the sport to be banned, as with the closely associated activity of fox hunting. The racing authorities, notably the organization responsible for the sport, the British Horseracing Authority (BHA), are swift to take action to respond to widespread criticism created by such issues. This was also evident in the outcry over jockeys’ usage of the whip to urge their mounts on, especially in close finishes. The BHA chief executive was soon on national news programmes explaining the rules concerning the use of the whip, how many times a jockey can use it, how today’s whips are so well padded with foam, that a half-ton animal cannot be severely hurt by six, seven or eight strokes in the ‘right place’. Paradoxically, there are people even within racing who maintain that the whip is not necessary, that urging the horse by hands and heels is sufficient, but then others point to the use of the whip for safety, to help steer and correct a wayward animal, one whose very lack of control could cause serious harm to others in the vicinity, including the public. It is another feature of dispute and contestation within the sport, which causes horse-racing to examine and re-examine its conscience on a regular basis, increasingly aware of contemporary values regarding animal protection.

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Who else is having a day at the races? Those of us who go racing frequently cannot help becoming significant ‘people watchers’ at the races. Many racing enthusiasts who would not normally concern themselves with the output of anthropologists have been amused and possibly recognized their own racing persona in a book by Kate Fox, entitled The Racing Tribe (2005). In our day at the races, we check our observations with Fox’s descriptions of various component types: from the seriously knowledgable enthusiasts (really serious racing fans, racing addicts and ‘horsey’ anoraks) to the purely socials (including the ‘corporate suits’, hand-holding couples on a date, family day-trippers, lads’ and girls’ dayouters and the ‘be-seens’). We confirm the truth of her typology, the varying modes of dress, behaviour, confidence, knowledge and motivation. Some racegoers do not even seem to watch the races so welded are they to their excellent bar-stool position with its convenient TV screen, the need to go outside apparently redundant. Regular racegoers like ourselves understand the subcultural codes of behaviour and appearance of this tribe, the etiquette and repetitive rules of engagement, the well-worn ritualistic stroll from the viewing area to the paddock to view the parading horses, to the bookmakers for a hopeful wager on the next race, to the stand again to await the explosive excitement and cheer of the crowd as the starting stalls burst open and the horses charge forward. Binoculars raised high, there is an eerie silence during the race so that all may hear the commentary, only breaking into shrieks and cheers in the final furlong (220 yards or 200 metres), as a winner seems possible. At that point, the contrast is striking as we see the overly polite, restrained and affected behaviour of many racegoers erupting into unrestrained and emotional screams of encouragement and, when successful, the final cry of ‘Yes!’, racing’s equivalent to soccer’s ‘Goal!’ Others on our tour of the enclosures are intent on ensuring a good family day out with contented children and adults, or having a laugh with friends and family, still others looking forward to the highly publicized, after-racing entertainment. In its efforts to further develop the sport of horse-racing and the racecourses themselves as an all-inclusive entertainment experience and venue, the BHA has moved towards the spectacle beyond the horse (Wilson 2011). Websites of a variety of racecourses, Newmarket included, use bold colour and images of young, excited adults, in their attempt to get across the degree of event extension now on offer. There might be a fireworks display with a tribute/look-alike band, there might be a famous band in person (Madness seem very popular around the racing circuit), there might be bigscreen movie nights, as well as more corporate events such as conferences and exhibitions. Weddings, banquets, motor shows, antiques fairs and parties of all descriptions can be catered for within the stands and facilities of the racecourse, all contributing to the commercial prosperity and inclusive image of the racecourse. For really serious and, I might say, more mature enthusiasts like me, this is all too much, and many race meetings are to be avoided owing

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to the lack of attention to the event of horse-racing and the sad fact that the racegoers seem to be more excited when the racing has finished, and the socalled entertainment begins. There is a rivalry here between the traditionalists and the modernizers, between racing as a historic cultural institution around the thoroughbred horse and racing as a vehicle for marketing and event spectacularization. However, I also acknowledge that the trend towards a more socially inclusive entertainment industry has moved racing towards a wider audience again, just as fairground attractions enticed the nineteenthcentury racegoer, as noted earlier by Munnings. Attendances at race meetings are showing growth again, after periods of significant decline in the 1960s and 1970s, rising by 6.6 per cent in 2011 to a total of over six million. Although recovered from our unsettling brush with the animal rights protesters, we now hit on another less attractive side of the racing scene that causes us some concern. We observe the vehement and visually shocking anger of a man who has hurled a losing betting slip to the ground with outrageous and obscene expletives, the worst of which being reserved for the jockey. It is behaviour in such stark contrast to the ordered and restrained interactions of those around him. Gambling can have grave consequences for those who do not follow the mantra of only risking an amount you can afford to lose (Cassidy 2010; Coventry et al. 1997). Not only on the racecourse, but throughout the country’s thousands of bookmakers, people are too often desperately hanging on to the hope of having a big win, endangering the livelihoods of themselves and their families by irresponsible betting. Yet horse-racing and betting are irrevocably linked. They are dependent on each other, they fund each other, they merge in one of the fundamental thrills of going to the races; they contribute significantly to government tax revenues. Success comes from the failure and financial losses of the gamblers, in some cases from the addicts who have to have one last bet; the final race on any racecard is known colloquially as the ‘getting out stakes’, one last chance to win back your losses, or to lose just that much more. However, we must view this contested domain of potentially harmful consequences of racing with proportion and perspective. As Fox (2005) states in reflection on this particular social concern and potential conflict within racing, namely the problem of gambling addiction: And there will always be several dozen social scientists eager to milk the latest problem for journal articles and monographs. Which leaves me free to write about the neglected vast majority of the population who manage to eat, drink, bet, shop, e-mail etc. without ending up on daytime television, or featuring as a statistic in the Journal of Addictive Behaviours. (Fox 2005: 156) The importance of the racing industry to gambling is also at the heart of the obsessive desire for racing to be seen as a clean sport, every horse and jockey being there to achieve the best possible position. The BHA has a critical role

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here, with a security division constantly analysing betting patterns and watching every ride to ensure integrity in a sport that is so commercially linked to the racegoer feeling that they have a fair chance of winning. When we put our £5 bet on a horse at Newmarket this afternoon, we need to feel that the horse is fit and has not been doped and that the owner, trainer and jockey have not been bribed by corrupt gamblers to ‘pull’ a horse; that is, to ensure that it does not win the race so that they can put large sums on the main rival runner in the betting. In recent years, there have been a number of high-profile trials involving jockeys charged with corruption in that they rode horses deliberately poorly in order to lose a race or had given inappropriate and confidential information to professional gamblers about the fitness and well-being of certain horses. There have even been cases of owners and trainers ‘fixing’ a horse’s identity passport so that they can swap a slow animal for a much quicker one (a ‘ringer’) in the same stable. The BHA has to be vigilant if racing, as a cherished sporting event and cultural phenomenon, is to survive and continue to prosper.

On the way home We have ended our day at the races. We have largely had an exciting, entertaining day, confirmed our love of the sport, of the thoroughbred racehorse, of the spectacle of the event and of all the many and curious elements of horse-racing, and backed one winner, so not going home completely penniless. However, we are also reflecting that the sport itself is indeed a domain for a range of potential rivalries, dilemmas and paradoxes. It is an activity that is riven with centuries of tradition in terms of ownership structure and ritualistic behaviour, yet it seeks to be an inclusive twenty-firstcentury sporting event, linking itself to other forms of contemporary spectacle and entertainment. Racing is largely controlled and dominated by the wealthy and powerful, no longer totally in the hands of the aristocracy and vested interests of its early development, but still an exclusive and confined group of regulators, owners, breeders and bookmakers. There still appear to be elements of an outdated master and servant class culture, hierarchical organizations and role definitions within racing stables being one example. It has class-based structures within its physical and spatial offer to the public, notably the separation of the stands and amenities, and the accompanying socio-cultural and behavioural practices which, albeit with more subtlety than the railings between the stands, perpetuate the classifications. Yet, paradoxically, the attendances at race meetings are increasing and the demographic of racegoers being greatly extended, as people take families, greater numbers of young people go for the additional features and entertainments, and more people of all social classes attend and, in some cases, get directly involved through racing syndicate ownership and racing club membership, tasting at last the sweet esteem of being on the inside and being seen to be on the inside.

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We have also considered the evidence of internal politics and rivalries: the competitive rivalry of owners and breeders; the tensions between bookmakers and some moral authorities over gambling and the social consequences of addiction; the more public and acrimonious debate between animal rights campaigners that would see the entire sport eradicated; disagreements between those who see the sport as one where animals are ruthlessly whipped into going faster and those who defend a fair and proportionate usage of a device which, in one form or another, is given to every girl or boy who takes lessons at the local riding school; and we have seen and noted the political challenges to be addressed by the racing authorities in the face of condemnation from those who seek to gain a higher profile of its bêtes noires in terms of racehorse casualties and fatalities. Ultimately, racing seems keen to ensure that its history and traditions are deemed appropriate for contemporary society, to appease both the traditionalists and the modernizers, the BHA responding positively to its critics without submitting to such accusations. Recognition of the conflicts, problems and challenges is an important ingredient for the future of this socioeconomic and cultural phenomenon, which, for many people around the world, contains all the elements of an absorbing and exciting sporting event. It is a sport of many symbols, but the most important symbol of all is the horse itself and the human desire to watch this particular animal at close quarters, galloping at speed and in competition, and to participate in the event that has developed around the thoroughbred racehorse.

Bibliography Barrett, N. (ed.) (1995) The Chronicle of Horse Racing, Enfield: Guinness Publishing Ltd. British Horseracing Authority (2010) BHA Annual Report, London: BHA Publications. Cassidy, R. (2004) The Sport of Kings: Kinship, Class and Thoroughbred Breeding in Newcastle, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ——(2007) Horse People: Thoroughbred Culture in Lexington and Newmarket, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. ——(2010) ‘Gambling as exchange: Horseracing betting in London’, International Gambling Studies, 10(2): 139–49. Collins, T. and Vamplew, W. (2002) Mud, Sweat and Beers: A Cultural History of Sport and Alcohol, London: Berg Publications. Coventry, K. R. and Norman, A. C. (1997) ‘Arousal, sensation seeking and frequency of gambling in off-course horse racing bettors’, British Journal of Psychology, 88(4): 671–81. Deloitte Consulting (2009) Economic Impact Study of British Horse Racing, London: Deloitte Sports Business Group. Douglas, M. (1996) Thought Styles: Critical Essays on Good Taste, London: Sage Publications Ltd. Dowling, E. (2012) ‘The waitress: On affect, method and (re)presentation’, Cultural Studies – Critical Methodologies, 12(2): 109–17.

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Filby, M. P. (1983) ‘A sociology of horse-racing in Britain’, PhD thesis, University of Warwick. Fox, K. (2005) The Racing Tribe: Portrait of a British Subculture, New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers. Magee, S. (1989) The Channel Four Book of Racing, London: Sidgwick & Jackson Ltd. Mortimer, R., Onslow, R. and Willett, P. (1978) Biographical Encyclopaedia of British Flat Racing, London: Macdonald and Jane’s Ltd. Munnings, A. (1950) An Artist’s Life, London: Museum Press Limited. Onslow, R. (1990) Royal Ascot, Marlborough: The Crowood Press. Pinchbeck, G. L., Clegg, P. D., Proudman, C. J., Morgan, K. L., Wood, J. L. and French, N. P. (2002) ‘Risk factors and sources of variation in horse falls in steeplechase racing in the UK’, Preventive Veterinary Medicine, 55(3): 179–92. Vamplew, W. (1989) ‘Horse-racing’, in T. Mason (ed.) Sport in Britain: A Social History, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 215–44. Wilson, B. (2011) ‘Horse racing jumps at commercial opportunities’, BBC News. Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 12 December 2011).

8

Arts, acrobatics and athleticism in North Korea Power, politics and propaganda Udo Merkel

Since the end of the Korean War in 1953, the Republic of Korea (ROK) and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) have developed from a common, very extensive and solid historical and cultural base into two very different socio-economic and political systems. Over the last six decades, North Korea has evolved into one of the most isolated and tightly controlled communist societies and has so far not shown any interest in economic and political reforms despite severe economic problems. South Korea, however, is one of the world’s richest industrial countries and has close political and economic ties with the United States and many other countries. During the 1990s, the relationship between the two countries improved considerably, and raised expectations of reconciliation and, eventually, reunification of the divided Korean peninsula. More recently, inter-Korean relations have deteriorated dramatically and political contact between the two states is negligible. Both superpowers, China and the United States, appear to be content with the status quo as their greatest fear is a political destabilization of the region, which could be caused by a sudden collapse of North Korea. These introductory comments leave little doubt that any critical analysis of North Korean popular culture, in general, and mass events, spectacles and festivals that comprise and combine arts, acrobatics and athleticism, in particular, needs to be underpinned by a theoretical framework that recognizes the relationship between international politics, geography and culture. This is where the notion of geopolitics seems to be very useful. This concept went out of fashion for several decades in the second half of the twentieth century but, more recently, has re-emerged within the field of international relations and will therefore be used as a theoretical guide for this chapter. There are (at least) two distinctively different ways of understanding geopolitics as a concept. First, in everyday life it seems to provide a useful guide to navigate and make sense of the complex global landscape using geographical narratives, metaphors categorisations, analogies and images, such as ‘First World’, ‘Third World’, ‘The Iron Curtain’, ‘Rogue States’ or ‘Land of the Rising Sun’. In the same way that television, Internet, newspaper and radio news tend to reduce nation states and governments to their respective capitals, such as Berlin, Beijing, Paris and Washington, most of the

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above mentioned descriptions are inherently geographical since these labels refer to specific places or groups of countries. The result is often a simple and undifferentiated model of the world that can inform decision-making processes in foreign policy. Second, rather than assuming that these labels are intrinsically meaningful, geopolitics – as an academic subject area – critically questions and evaluates the emergence, development, meanings and implications of the relationship between geographical and political contexts (Dodds 2007: 1–22). Since the beginning of this millennium, geopolitics has attracted a great deal of practical, popular and academic attention. This logical and convincing threefold differentiation offers a sensible conceptual starting point for this chapter. Practical geopolitics is about the use of geopolitical models, patterns and templates, for example by political leaders, in order to make sense of events in the wider world and to contextualize and justify their foreign policies. Popular geopolitics often supports such processes and deals with the role of the media and other forms of popular culture, which helps individuals to understand and interpret events at both the local and the global level (Dodds 2007: 45–49). This chapter, with its focus on the cultural and geopolitical significance of the Arirang Festival in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea commonly referred to as North Korea, will illustrate how and why these three constituents of geopolitics are interconnected and, to some degree, interdependent. The largely qualitative research for this chapter draws on a small number of academic and policy papers, archive material, national and international media accounts, and the attendance and (participant) observation of various sports environments and events in both South and North Korea. The sixmonth fieldwork in South Korea took place in 2006. I went to North Korea twice, in September 2008 during the official celebrations of the 60th anniversary of the North Korean state and in April 2012. The focus of both trips to North Korea was on the domestic and international politics of mass events, in particular the Arirang Festival, which Lee and Bairner describe as ‘the most spectacular event in the communist state’ (2009: 402). It was first staged in 2002 to celebrate the 90th anniversary of the late Kim Il-sung’s birthday. The son of peasants was born in 1912. He was the autocratic head of the communist North Korean state from 1948 to 1994 and established an all-pervasive personality cult. Over the last 10 years, this event has grown considerably and developed into a political extravaganza that celebrates Korean nationalism, the country’s ideological underpinning, its achievements and idolizes its leaders.

Bush, Bond and other buffoons More than six decades after the end of World War II, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), hosting a population of 23 million, and the Republic of Korea (ROK), also known as South Korea, with 48 million

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people, still face each other across the highly fortified Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). At the end of World War II, American and Soviet armed forces occupied the Korean peninsula. In August 1948, a pro-US government was established in the South and, three weeks later, a pro-Soviet government in the North, resulting in Korea’s political division and the existence of two very different Korean states and societies. Shortly after the two superpowers pulled out most of their troops, North Korean soldiers invaded the South, starting the Korean War in 1950. The human cost of the war has been estimated at over three million Korean civilians and 700,000 military personnel (Blair 1987). After agreeing an armistice in 1953, the DMZ was established along the 38th parallel and has divided the Korean nation since. Subsequently, South Korea developed close economic, political and military ties with the United States and followed the Japanese model of export-oriented growth. Capitalist production increased considerably in the 1970s and 1980s, and, despite serious economic problems caused by the 1997 Asian financial crisis, South Korea today enjoys a robust and healthy economy (Cumings 2005: 299–341) and is one the world’s wealthiest industrial nations (Amsden 1989). North Korea’s post-World War II political, economic and cultural development was heavily influenced by the Soviet Union and China. During the Cold War era, the North frequently exploited the animosities between its two main sponsors, China and the Soviet Union, and achieved astonishing economic progress and relatively high standards of living. However, since the Soviet Union has ceased to exist, the situation has changed for the worse; most of the markets for North Korean products have all but disappeared and the country has slowly slid into poverty (Hwang 1993). There are not yet any signs of political and/or economic liberalization and North Korea remains one of the most isolated, least known and understood states in the world. While South Korea trades heavily with the rest of the world, the North is isolated, impoverished and has rather limited contact with outsiders. Kim Il-sung (1912–94), the founder of the DPRK, is largely responsible for this development. His political agenda was motivated by the search for an outdated Korean ideal, an autarkic ‘Hermit Kingdom’ that was self-sufficient and independent. There is little doubt that on the divided Korean peninsula, the Cold War proved more frigid than anywhere else in the world (Levermore and Budd 2004). This applies to both the world of Realpolitik and the realm of popular culture, two of the three main strands of geopolitics. In January 2002, former US President George W. Bush introduced a new geopolitical label, ‘the Axis of Evil’, comprising so-called ‘Rogue States’ that supported terrorism and possessed, or were developing, weapons of mass destruction. In his momentous speech, he explicitly named Iraq, Iran and North Korea. Only a few months later, the movie Die Another Day was released. Pierce Brosnan’s final mission as British agent James Bond commences in the DPRK with a highspeed hovercraft chase through the DMZ. Bond is captured and subjected to vicious North Korean torture before being exchanged for North Korean

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prisoners, amongst them Zao, a high-calibre, brutal villain sponsored by Gustav Graves, a British billionaire. Bond’s mission to capture Zao and his accomplice takes him to Hong Kong, Cuba, London, Iceland and, eventually, back to the divided Korean peninsula, culminating in a ferocious and destructive showdown as laser technology is employed to create a vast corridor through the DMZ for the armed forces of the North to invade the South. Being part of the ‘Axis of Evil’ and labelled as a ‘Rogue State’ is, of course, a serious disadvantage for the North Korean government, in particular for their image and identity management. However, North Korea’s political elite faces a second, equally difficult challenge, which requires a delicate balancing act. While offering its own people a distinctive national identity that emphasizes differences from the South, it also needs to maintain and preserve a pan-Korean identity that celebrates Korean unity and the nation as a whole. As in most modern societies, everyday life in North Korea is full of symbolic practices exhibiting and communicating the country’s political uniqueness, a sense of national identity and purpose. In addition to flags, emblems, anthems, songs, national news and heroes, modern states frequently utilize time and space to construct and display distinctive qualities, identities and messages. Territories are mapped and referred to as mother- or fatherland, and important historical and political dates and public figures are celebrated. In North Korea, the two most significant national celebrations routinely take place on 9 September, marking the foundation of the DPRK in 1948, and on 15 April, commemorating Kim Il-sung’s birthday. In April 2012, it was not only the latter that attracted international attention but two other political events. North Korea tested a long-range missile that ended in failure and embarrassment for the ruling regime less than two minutes after lift-off. The North Korean government had ignored repeated pleas from the United States, South Korea and Japan to halt the launch, arguing that its sole purpose was to put a satellite into orbit. The failed rocket launch drew a carefully worded response from the Obama administration and other countries. It unequivocally condemned the North without imposing any new penalties on Pyongyang and thus, very likely, inviting even more provocations from the reclusive government. More important, however, for the people in North Korea, who suffer from chronic food shortages and malnutrition, was Washington’s decision to suspend its delivery of 240,000 tons of US food aid that Barack Obama’s administration had agreed only in February 2012. Furthermore, North Korea’s new leader, Kim Jong-un, delivered his first public speech at a military parade. This took most Koreans by surprise as his late father, Kim Jong-il (1941–2011), addressed the public only once during his reign from 1994 to 2011. However, for most political commentators, the content of this 20-minute speech was less of a surprise as he promised to continue his father’s and grandfather’s domestic and foreign policies. He vowed to prioritize the country’s armed forces, the so-called Songun policy,

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and to continue striving for the reunification of the divided Korean peninsula. Many, if not most, Koreans in both the North and the South firmly believe the two countries must one day be reunited. Both the failed rocket launch and Kim Jong-un’s first public speech coincided with the extensive 100th birthday celebrations of Kim Il-sung, the Great Leader, who died in 1994. After three years of mourning, the constitution was changed and the deceased Kim Il-sung became the Eternal President (Martin 2006). The meticulously planned, carefully choreographed and thoroughly rehearsed festivities commemorating Kim Il-sung’s birthday in 2012 included a massive military parade, a people’s parade, street parties, mass dances, musical and choir performances, and an extravagant and costly fireworks display. Although malnourishment and hunger prevail in large parts of rural North Korea, the shops in North Korea’s capital, Pyongyang, were full of goods. Street vendors, strictly regulated and conservatively dressed by the state, sold local delicacies, and the power supply was better than ever before. There were cars on the roads of the capital and young people conspicuously displayed their mobile phones. Even the women in Pyongyang looked different, wearing earrings and high heels. Furthermore, the 100th anniversary of Kim Il-sung’s birthday had triggered a minor construction and major decorating boom in Pyongyang. Entire apartment blocks and high-rise buildings were painted, dilapidated brickwork was repaired, broken tiles replaced and the worst potholes in the streets filled. These three contemporary events display key characteristics of the DPRK and set the scene for this chapter: North Korea is a volatile country where the Cold War has become even colder since South Korea’s hard-line government under Lee Myung-bak put an end to the conciliatory approach to the North that his predecessors had developed (Merkel 2008). Tensions between North Korea and the rest of the world have increased steadily since late 2008, and in April 2009 the DPRK abandoned international talks aimed at ending its nuclear activities. Subsequently, North Korea conducted a small number of nuclear tests, torpedoed a South Korean navy ship, the Cheonan (March 2010), which caused the death of 46 sailors, and fired dozens of rounds of artillery towards Yeongpyeong (November 2011), a South Korean island. That strike killed two civilians and two soldiers and set houses ablaze in, what is widely considered, the worst attack since the end of the Korean War almost six decades ago. North Korea is also a country in transition. After Kim Jong-il’s sudden death in December 2011, and a relatively short period of mourning, his youngest son, Kim Jong-un, was proclaimed the ‘Great Successor’. One of Kim Jong-un’s first diplomatic engagements was a brief meeting with a private, but high profile, South Korean delegation in the context of his father’s funeral. This meeting raised modest hopes for a new era of political and economic engagement with the South. So far, however, there is little evidence to suggest a change in policy under North Korea’s new leader. Furthermore,

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there is little doubt that any reform agenda of this rather young and inexperienced new ruler will depend on the support of the armed forces and the party apparatus; any change, of course, would have to be sanctioned by and commence within these powerful and conservative organizations. Finally, North Korea is a performative society. Public and private events, such as commemorations, celebrations, rituals, parades and festivals, as well as everyday life and routines, are all governed by a code. This system seeks to reinforce and communicate the key characteristics of North Korea’s political system, society and culture. However, in April 2012, not everything went as smoothly as, for example, in 2008: Around 1 million people are thought to have paraded through Pyongyang. A state television broadcast monitored in Seoul showed displays of armaments, legions of goose-stepping soldiers and tens of thousands of North Koreans shouting praises to him [Kim Il Sung] in unison, though some analysts thought it lower-key than previous parades. (Branigan 2008: 18) Four years later, in 2012, the meticulously choreographed military parade through Pyongyang received enormous international attention. One element, however, caused a serious stir. Right at the end of the lavish display of North Korea’s military prowess, there were six intimidating missiles on display. They appeared to be new and developed for long-range attacks. However, experts from across the world quickly agreed that they were clumsy fakes casting further doubt on the DPRK’s military capabilities. However, there is little doubt that projecting an image of power was the driving force behind this performance. Before exploring the domestic and international political agendas of mass events in North Korea, in particular the Arirang Festival, it is important to stress that this chapter does not share George W. Bush’s simplistic understanding of world politics. Bruce Cumings (2004: 151–52) offers an alternative view on North Korea and suggests considering the country: as a small, Third World, postcolonial nation that has been gravely wounded, first by forty years of Japanese colonialism and then by another sixty years of national division and war, and that is deeply insecure, threatened by the world around it. And so it projects a fearsome image. This is the only post-war Communist state to have had its territory occupied by a foreign army, in the fall and winter of 1950; the unrestrained bombing campaign remains a heavy memory, and its weight can still be felt in present-day North Korea. From time to time one still senses the smell of death and nearness of evil. This feeling also issues forth merely from looking at the careworn, desolate faces of the older generation … they suffered one of the most appalling wars in an appallingly violent twentieth century.

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This chapter will keep Cumings’s sensitive and sensible suggestion in mind in order to offer an empathetic understanding and analysis without neglecting a critical sensitivity. Indirectly, this chapter will also make a contribution to the analysis of North Korea as a performative society. Throughout this paper, Korean names and terms are spelled according to the widely used McCune– Reischauer system. Exceptions are made for quotations that use a different practice. Lists of names comply with the Korean convention; that is, by placing the family name before the forename(s).

The historical and political roots of North Korean mass events Mass performances of sport and physical culture with an overt political agenda have a long history and can be traced back to Stalinist Russia of the late 1920s and throughout the 1930s, where mass events were an omnipresent feature of cultural and political life. They were meant to forge a socialist consciousness amongst the people and strengthen their loyalty to party, state and leader. According to Roche, ‘during this distinctive period of transformation … there were determined strategies to develop propaganda and cultural policy in general, and to construct extra-ordinary, compelling and memorable experiences in mass publics as part of these strategies by means of the staging of mass cultural events’ (2001: 494). The Soviet Union regarded itself a progressive society, qualitatively very different from capitalist societies. It rejected the capitalist concept of sport as it was considered to be an alienating experience for the individuals involved due to the exaggerated importance of competitiveness, the achievement principle, individualism, winning and the resulting hierarchies – all embodying the spirit of capitalism. From the late 1920s, the Soviet state increasingly took charge of all physical culture affairs, encouraging physical hygiene, discipline and training of the socialist body and promoting an alternative model to bourgeois sport (Peppard and Riordan 1993; Riordan and Krüger 1999). In 1928, the Soviet Union hosted its first major international sports event, the Spartakiad, in Moscow. The intention of this event was to show how far Russian athletes had progressed, to display the revolutionary nature of the country’s physical culture system and to publicly challenge the principles underpinning the Olympic Games. The Soviet Spartakiades were ‘to be distinguished from the Olympics by the inclusion of military events, folk dances and non-competitive pageants’, although ‘the core of the program … was the same as that of the Olympics’ (Edelmann 1993: 38). A full tourism and cultural programme was provided for the visiting worker athletes, including excursions to the countryside and guided tours of factories, schools, hospitals and other institutions representing the achievements of the Russian revolution. The image presented was one of ‘a happy people living in an almost perfect society driven by powerful collectivist and internationalist feelings together with a strong identification with the political system’ (Arnaud and Riordan 1998: 197–98).

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Furthermore, every year, young athletes from all over the Soviet Union would march on May Day in honour of their leaders, saluting themselves and declaring their allegiance. These theatrically orchestrated ‘Physical Culture Days’ comprised elaborate parades through Moscow’s Red Square as well as ‘mass gymnastic displays, bizarre and idiosyncratic floats, and omnipresent portraits of Stalin’ (Edelmann 1993: 43). These mass events offered an intriguing alternative to the ‘bourgeois’ multi-sport events of the Olympic movement. The combination of athleticism, aesthetics and discipline presented a healthy sense of self, firmly based in a strong and coherent community without sacrifying one’s individuality. Eventually, these alternative ‘sport’ events disappeared from the face of the earth with the sole exception of North Korea, where they did not only survive but went on to enjoy an unprecedented second blossoming (Kim Jong-il 1989; Merkel 2010).

The Grand Mass Gymnastics and Artistic Performance Arirang Like the political elite of the former Soviet Union, the North Korean regime has always taken ‘great pride in its truly awesome choreographed mass marches through the great central square in Pyongyang, with literally a million people marching in step in fifty parallel columns’ (Cumings 2004: 137). Since 1946, the DPRK has also more or less regularly staged mass gymnastic games. However, since the beginning of this millennium, these performances, in particular the ‘The Grand Mass Gymnastics and Artistic Performance Arirang’, have grown grander, more prolific and prominent, and have attracted international tourist and media attention. ‘True to the North’s way of doing nothing by half, it dwarfs anything seen even during the heyday of the far more prosperous communist regimes of the former eastern bloc’ (Watts 2002: 22). The Arirang Festival is usually staged in Pyongyang’s May Day stadium which can host up to 150,000 spectators. The 2007 Guinness Book of World Records recognizes this event as the ‘largest gymnastic and artistic performance’. The show consists of three distinct components: first, a floorshow of complex, choreographed group routines that involve tens of thousands of gymnasts (with large artificial flowers, flags, hoops, balls, ropes and clubs), acrobats (with poles, ladders, springboards, trampolines and huge metalframed wheels) and dancers. Furthermore, the cast comprises a military tattoo, hordes of waving, smiling children, an aerial ballet by dancers on bungee ropes, flying acrobats and military personnel performing various martial arts routines. The second element is the backdrop. This is a giant human mosaic forming colourful, elaborate and detailed images of historical and contemporary scenes, landscapes, architecture, portraits of Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il, objects, slogans and cartoons. More than 20,000 school children (aged between 13 and 15) hold up coloured cards that are part of a book with a total of almost 200 pages. The children change them so quickly and in complete unison that these images appear to be animated – all

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synchronized to a modest video and laser light show. Portal (2005: 135) suggests that the ‘use of a backdrop of rows and rows of participants, each turning the pages of a book of interlocking images, which only becomes apparent when viewed from a distance, is something borrowed from China.’ Third, the music that links the backdrop and the performers in the centre of the May Day stadium, ensuring a dynamic flow and coherence of the performance. The actual performance is organized in a set of six distinct yet coherent sections. It starts with a ‘Grand Prelude’, followed by four acts, each with a different focus and made up of several scenes, and ends with a ‘Grand Finale’. After the prelude, the first act is devoted to the ‘Arirang Nation’, offering images of ‘Crossing the River Tuman’, ‘The Star of Korea’, ‘My Homeland’ and ‘Our Arms’. In the second act, entitled ‘Songun Arirang’, the main themes are Korean nationalism and the exalted position of the North Korean army. The third act (‘Arirang of Happiness’) contains several political and economic messages (for example ‘Modernization and Information of the People’s Economy’ and ‘Science and Technology to the Highest Level!’) stressing the current and future development of North Korean society. In the fourth act, the issue of Korean reunification features prominently (‘Arirang Reunification’) whilst the ‘Grande Finale’ (‘Arirang of a Thriving Nation’) predicts peace, prosperity and happiness for the reunited Korean people. Despite several aesthetically pleasing geometrical shapes the performance does not offer anything that could be described as abstract. According to Kim Jong-il (1975: 8), artistic creations: if removed from reality, will result in the production of works which have nothing to do with the requirements of our socialist reality … We must hold fast to the creative method of socialist realism in the creation of arts. The Arirang Festival displays a symbiotic relationship of arts, acrobatics and athleticism and draws on elements from physical theatre, rhythmic gymnastics, Cirque du Soleil and Broadway musicals. The one-and-a-half-hour shows are impressive, energetic performances with no intermission. One cast of several hundred performers flows off the field while the next flows in. The colourful and imaginative costumes, a booming soundtrack and a modest fireworks display enhance the spectacle even further. As with all achievements in North Korea, ultimately, responsible for this exuberant artistic achievement are the two Kims. The Juche-oriented mass gymnastics of Korea originated from Flower Gymnastics, a work President Kim Il Sung created in 1930, the early days of his anti-Japanese revolutionary struggle. Today it represents the ideological theme of the history of the country and nation … As Kim Jong Il pointed out in a meeting with the mass gymnastics producers on April 11, 1987, the Korean style of mass gymnastics is a mixed form of comprehensive physical exercises with a combination of high ideological content, artistic quality and gymnastic skills. (Kim Song-mo, 2002: 6–7)

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Although outside North Korea this event is often criticized as being nothing more than an old-fashioned and pointless propaganda tool praising the communist state and its leaders (Cho and Faiol 2005: 37), its meaning and significance is complex and multidimensional. Three of the expected political benefits of mass events, such as the Arirang Festival, are explicitly outlined in the country’s sports policy and discussed in more detail below. Others have emerged and developed, responding to changing political realities on the divided Korean peninsula (Korea Times, 4 October 2007): Pupils should be encouraged to participate in mass gymnastic performances. These are a form of comprehensive mass sport and combine athletic techniques and ideological and artistic content. They are very effective both in educating pupils in the collectivist spirit and in building up their strength and improving their artistic skills. By giving frequent gymnastic performances of this type, pupils will contribute greatly to educating the working people and enhancing the prestige of the country abroad. (Kim Jong-il 1997: 5) First, this spectacle makes full use of the impoverished country’s last natural resource: the inexpensive labour of the highly educated and utterly obedient North Korean offspring. Participation is not voluntary but mandatory and all educational institutions in Pyongyang compete for a place in the performance. They go through an extended training and auditioning programme that lasts for several months. The young people, who take part in the intensive daily training routines, are excused from their classes. Historically, as many of the older students subsequently struggled to meet university entry requirements, the North Korean education authorities introduced a system whereby these students receive additional points to compensate for their participation in the performances. However, while these students might struggle academically, they have internalized something ideologically very valuable: to appreciate the significance of collective efforts and to rank it higher than individual achievement. The underlying rationale of the Arirang Festival (and other mass gymnastic games) is to create committed young communists through a combination of physiological and psychological indoctrination. Long hours and months of rigorous, often exhausting training inculcate and continually reinforce an ideology that does not tolerate deviation: subordination of the individual to the group, and the promotion of a single, unified collective will and effort that is above any individual desires or self-interest. This may seem oppressive and morally objectionable but, in fact, it is generally considered an honour to perform in the Arirang Festival and only the most talented are selected. A South Korean journalist and North Korea expert with whom I discussed the Arirang Festival, argued that ‘what appears to be a kind of systematic

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indoctrination and exploitation, inhuman and repugnant, for the thousands of performers it is an honour to be chosen.’ Second, the Arirang Festival is also meant to educate the predominantly Korean spectators through confirming and stressing several important political messages and far-reaching policies. These include the fundamental belief in the superiority of the group over the individual, the country’s Juche philosophy, the Songun policy and the sacrosanct, supreme and elevated position of the Kim dynasty. The latter is the most obvious ideological element of the Arirang Festival. The backdrop shows a wide variety of images of Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il, portraying them as undisputed leaders, paternal figures, down-to-earth teachers and the ultimate saviours of the Korean nation, thereby reinforcing the ‘religious’ cult of the country’s political leaders. This pervasive personality cult is omnipresent in all aspects of social and cultural life in North Korea, where images, such as, framed photos, murals and statues, of the two Kims can be found everywhere, in both public and private spaces. This mass event also offers the spectators an impressive example of how working together for the common good can create works of excellence, beauty and perfection. This general message is directly linked to the Juche principle, which is often interpreted as a philosophical concept describing a state of self-reliance and self-sufficiency. However, in the North Korean context, Juche is more accurately understood as ideological, political, economic and military independence (Cumings 2004: 158–60). The Juche principle provides a complex and all-encompassing set of moral and practical parameters for the North Korean people, recognizing its history, culture and ethnic purity. The Arirang Festival is North Korea’s attempt to put the Juche philosophy into cultural practice. This mass event is ideologically grounded, questions and repudiates the prominence of commodified and globally controlled mega sports spectacles. It clearly sits outside the relatively homogeneous global sports culture and its normative underpinning, and promotes a model of physical culture that challenges the hegemonic position of the ‘higher, stronger, faster’ philosophy. North Korea’s Songun policy is equally conspicuous and features most prominently in the second act as martial arts routines, in particular taekwondo movements, and images are part of both the backdrop and the floorshow. The Songun policy explicitly prioritizes the armed forces in state and society and justifies the allocation of enormous national resources to the military apparatus that comprises one of the world’s largest standing armies, with approximately one million soldiers. There is little doubt about the popularity of the Arirang Festival among the North Korean population. Cautious estimates suggest that at least eight million North Koreans attended the 200 or so performances of the first three runs of this spectacle in 2002, 2005 and 2007; that is, approximately 40,000 spectators per show. On each of these three occasions, the demand was so overwhelming that the shows had to be extended for several weeks.

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Third, the Arirang Festival is meant to encourage and promote an alternative discourse that supports North Korea’s striving for international recognition and a more positive reputation. Traditionally, the political benefits of isolated countries participating in international sports events have derived from the association with successful athletes or teams. The former East Germany, with its outstanding success in international sports events, offers a convincing example of this strategy. In the case of North Korea, with the questionable reputation of the country’s ruling regime, it has increasingly become important to foster an alternative discourse that would help generate international recognition, in general, and a positive reputation, in particular. Therefore, the political elite have promoted a model of physical culture that is relatively inexpensive and does not depend on top-level achievements in a competitive arena. The sheer magnitude and exuberance of this event is overwhelming and both the design and choreography offer an outstanding visual feast that compensates somehow for the country’s rather mediocre achievements in international sports events. Due to its extremely limited resources and expertise, it is very unlikely that the DPRK will be able to produce an Asian ‘sports miracle’ and impress the rest of the world with memorable athletic performances and victories. The Arirang Festival, however, is one of the few things the impoverished state can claim to do on an unmatched scale. It offers the North Korean rulers a rare and unrivalled opportunity to present the usually secluded state to the rest of the world and to showcase the strength and vigour of its socialist system. For the North Korean government, this is an important symbolic gesture demonstrating more openness and transparency. The urgent need for foreign currencies and a continuation of humanitarian aid to tackle the disastrous consequences of years of inefficient agricultural production and extreme weather conditions have opened up the country to foreigners, especially members of international non-governmental organizations and, more recently, to an increasing number of Chinese and Western tourists. Without these witnessing the Arirang Festival, the political messages would remain unheard by the outside world. As the Arirang Festival is currently one of the very few windows of opportunity for foreign journalists and camera teams to enter the DPRK, the archived visual footage from this spectacle is frequently used as a background to international television reports of important political events, natural disasters and catastrophic accidents. The most prominent and frequently recurring themes of the Arirang Festival are the interrelated issues of Korean division, national unity, nationalism and, of course, reunification (Merkel 2009). On various occasions throughout the show, both backdrop and performers in the centre of the May Day stadium re-create the geographical shape of the whole Korean peninsula without the dividing line along the 38th parallel. These themes are dealt with, most explicitly, in the fourth act entitled ‘Arirang Reunification’ and the ‘Grande Finale’. One of the most emotionally loaded scenes features a dramatic physical representation of the separation of the Korean people. A

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mass of young people creates the perfect shape of the whole Korean peninsula. Subsequently, the southern and northern halves inexorably drift asunder; aching arms are outstretched in futility as unseen forces pull the two apart. Simultaneously, the backdrop creates a colourful panorama of Korean children, while repeatedly uttering ‘How much longer do we have to be divided due to foreign forces?’ A different segment depicts the ‘Reunification Train’ and makes reference to a railway link across the DMZ that was officially completed in June 2003. The line is only 27.5 kilometres long but is of great symbolic significance. Trains run daily to the Kaesong Industrial Park north of the border, where South Korean companies use the North’s workforce to assemble their goods. The freight service eventually began in December 2007. ‘But in the first 10 months, it carried only 340 tons of goods, the operators said in a report to the Seoul parliament. On 150 out of 163 return trips so far, it was a ghost train, carrying nothing at all’ (Spencer 2008: 35). A direct political reminder for the South Korean government are those backdrops that mention two very important dates in recent Korean history that have become synonyms for inter-Korean reconciliation and rapprochement: 15 June and 4 October. Whilst the latter makes refers to the 2007 treaty between the head of states of the South and the North, the former alludes to the joint declaration of 2000. Both are political milestones in the development of inter-Korean relations but have not yet been fully implemented. In popular discourses, these dates have been elevated to mythical status. After the collapse of the socialist regimes in Europe, the North Korean government has promoted ‘an extreme form of ethnocentric Korean nationalism … that expresses pride and self-esteem based on the greatness of the Korean nation’ (Lee and Bairner 2009: 394). The Arirang Festival reflects and reinforces this version of nationalism and, at the same time, celebrates the unity of the Korean nation, emphasizing their common history, ethnic ties and the shared bloodline. It even describes the unification of the divided Korean peninsula as the ultimate achievement that will secure a prosperous future for the Korean people. This emotional and symbolic celebration of Korean unity keeps the issue of reunification in the public discourse without the need to engage in complex and difficult political negotiations. However, the Arirang Festival demonstrates North Korea’s commitment to reunification despite recent political developments that have made it even more unlikely to achieve this ambitious political objective.

Conclusion North Korea’s Arirang Festival is a unique and grandiose ideological spectacle and contemporary reminder of the powerful and lasting Soviet influences on the development of sport and physical culture in various parts of the world. This Soviet-style display of physical culture involves the masses and

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falls outside the dominant ‘higher, stronger, faster’ philosophy. Indeed it challenges the prominence of globally controlled and hyper-commodified mega sports events, offers a stunning, unique and visually impressive alternative and adds a touch of diversity to the annual calendar of rather formulaic international sports spectacles. The Arirang Festival is without doubt an ideological spectacle that pursues both a domestic and foreign policy agenda. It is meant to educate both performers and spectators, reinforcing a selected number of high-priority political goals and policies that are at the heart of North Korean society and culture. Of particular significance are the principles of collectivism, the Juche philosophy, the Songun policy and the religious cult of the Kim dynasty. The grand scale of thousands of young people working in complete unison, as though a single body, reflects most clearly the Juche and collectivist philosophies that underpin North Korean society. Above all is the issue of national division and reunification. It has consistently been the most prominent theme in all the Arirang performances over the last decade, offering a sentimental and emotional celebration of the Korean nation and unity. The performance not only highlights a few of the visible achievements but also makes explicit reference to specific meetings and treaties that temporarily drove the reconciliation and reunification of the two countries forward. The Arirang Festival is also part of a wider international charm offensive. It is meant to show how stable, strong and proud North Korea is, and to showcase the North Korean style of socialism. Due to the questionable political reputation of North Korea’s ruling regime, it has increasingly become important to foster an alternative discourse about North Korea that enhances the country’s global recognition and reputation. Whether the Arirang Festival puts North Korea back into the fold of respectable nations remains an open question. However, there is a strong likelihood that mass spectacles like this will gradually become hallmark events of international status, providing the host community with unrivalled prominence due to the unique nature of the artistic, acrobatic and athletic arrangements and some desperately needed hard currency from increasing numbers of Chinese and Western tourists. From an abstract geopolitical perspective, the Arirang Festival offers entertainment and propaganda, underpins the religious-like cult of the Kim dynasty, emphasizes fundamental ideological dictums, celebrates Korean tradition and history, rejects modernization and globalization, and demands sovereignty and independence.

Bibliography Amsden, A. (1989) Asia’s Next Giant: South Korea and Late Industrialisation, New York: Oxford University Press. Arnaud, P. and Riordan, J. (1998) Sport and International Politics: The Impact of Fascism and Communism on Sport, London: E & F Spon. Blair, C. (1987) The Forgotten War: America in Korea, 1950–1953, New York: Times Books.

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Branigan, T. (2008) ‘No-show at anniversary parade raises questions over Kim Jong-il’s health’, The Guardian, 9 September, 18. Cha, V. D. (2009) Beyond the Final Score: The Politics of Sport in Asia, New York: Columbia University Press. Cho, J. and Faiol, A. (2005) ‘North sends a “message to the world” – secretive state welcomes visitors for month-long celebration of patriotism’, Washington Post Foreign Service, 27 October, 37. Choi, D. S. (2002) ‘Building bridges: The significance of inter-Korean sports and cultural exchanges’, East Asian Review, 14(4): 107–15. Choo, W. S. (2005) ‘Inter-Korean cooperative efforts to normalize North Korea’s industry’, Korea Focus, 13(6): 88–107. Cumings, B. (2004) North Korea, New York: The New Press. ——(2005) Korea’s Place in the Sun – A Modern History, New York: W.W. Norton & Company. Dodds, K. (2007) Geopolitics – A Very Short Introduction, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Edelmann, R. (1993) Serious Fun – A History of Spectator Sports in the U.S.S.R., Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ha, N. G. and Mangan, J. A. (2002) ‘Ideology, politics and power: Korean sporttransformation, 1945–1992’, The International Journal of the History of Sport, 19(2–3): 213–42. Hwang, E. G. (1993) The Korean Economies, Oxford: Clarendon Press. Joong Ang Ilbo (2005) ‘North kicks segment off its Arirang show’, 14 October, 24. Kim, J. I. (1975) For the Further Development of Our Juche Art, Pyongyang: Foreign Languages Publishing House. ——(1989) On Popularizing Physical Training and Sport and Developing Sporting Skills Rapidly, Pyongyang: Foreign Languages Publishing House. ——(1997) Let Us Carry Out the Great Leader Comrade Kim Il Sung’s Instructions for National Reunification, Pyongyang: Foreign Languages Publishing House. Kim, S. M. (2002) Mass Gymnastics in Korea, Pyongyang: Foreign Languages Publishing House. Lee, J. W. and Bairner, A. (2009) ‘The difficult dialogue: Communism, nationalism and political propaganda in North Korean sport’, Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 33(4): 390–410. Levermore, R. and Budd, A. (eds) (2004) Sport and International Relations – An Emerging Relationship, London: Routledge. Martin, B. K. (2006) Under the Loving Care of the Fatherly Leader – North Korea and the Kim Dynasty, New York: Thomas Dunne Books. Merkel, U. (2008) ‘The politics of sport diplomacy in divided Korea – one nation, two countries and three flags’, International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 43(3): 289–311. ——(2009) ‘Sport, politics and reunification – a comparative analysis of Korea and Germany’, International Journal of the History of Sport, 26(3): 406–28. ——(2010) ‘Bigger than Beijing: Politics, propaganda and physical culture in Pyongyang’, The International Journal of the History of Sport, 27(14/15): 2467–92. Ok, G. (2007) The Transformation of Korean Sport: Imperialism, Nationalism, Globalisation, Seoul: Hollym. Peppard, V. and Riordan, J. (1993) Playing Politics: Soviet Sports Diplomacy to 1992, Greenwich, CN: Westport Press.

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Portal, J. (2005) Art under Control in North Korea, London: Reaktion Books. Riordan, J. and Krüger, A. (eds) (1999) The International Politics of Sport in the 20th Century, London: E & N Spon. Roche, M. (2001) ‘Modernity, cultural events and the construction of charisma: Mass cultural events in the USSR in the interwar period’, International Journal of Cultural Policy, 7(3): 493–520. Spencer, R. (2008) ‘Korean détente railway becomes ghost train’, The Telegraph, 25 October, 35. The Korea Times (2007) NK’s Arirang Modified For President Roh, 4 October, 14. Watts, J. (2002) ‘Despair, hunger and defiance at the heart of the greatest show on earth – surreal North Korean party opens isolated state to the world’, The Guardian, 17 May, 22.

9

The World Baseball Classic The production and politics of a new global sports spectacle Thomas F. Carter

The number of global sport spectacles has risen significantly in the last part of the twentieth century and into the twenty-first. These monolithic forms of sport-related mega-events purport to bring together the world’s practitioners of a particular sport or, in a more festival-style organization, a plethora of sports all celebrated in one massive spectacular display. The first such events established themselves in the early twentieth century but only truly gained worldwide recognition after World War II. Among them are the all-toofamiliar FIFA World Cup and the Olympic Games. Others are more recent inventions, such as the Rugby World Cup and the World Baseball Classic. While the Rugby World Cup is no more than three decades old, the World Baseball Classic has not even existed for one. Having discussed the Rugby World Cup elsewhere (Carter 2011: 21–2), this chapter examines the World Baseball Classic (WBC). The WBC is the premier international baseball tournament and features the best players in the world competing for their home countries and territories. More than 1.5 million fans from all over the world have attended the tournament games, held in March 2006 and 2009. The next World Baseball Classic will be played in March 2013 and thereafter the tournament will be held every four years. The WBC is a 16-team international baseball tournament. Participation for the first two Classics was on an invitation-only basis. Organized into four regional groups of four teams, the preliminary round is a round-robin series of three games between four teams in which the top two then proceed to a single elimination stage. These initial round-robin games are held simultaneously in four locations scattered around the world. The single elimination rounds begin with eight teams, two from each regional group, and whittle their way down until a champion can be declared. In the 2006 Classic, the sites were Tokyo (Japan), San Juan (Puerto Rico), Anaheim (California) and Lake Buena Vista (Florida) for the round-robin games, with the single elimination games played in San Diego (California). The 2009 Classic incorporated a number of changes. These included a double elimination framework after the round-robin play to determine the final four teams. The final four then played single elimination games to determine the champion. The sites of the round-robin phase included Tokyo and San Juan, as in 2006,

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but moved to Toronto (Canada) and Mexico City (Mexico). The double elimination brackets were played in San Diego (California) and Miami (Florida) and the final four teams played the single elimination bracket in Los Angeles (California). As in 2006, games were played the same day at multiple sites. Thus, the WBC is truly a global competition in that its games take place in several locales on the same day. As the various changes make clear, the WBC did not just magically become the most important international baseball event. It took considerable effort for the formation of this global sport spectacle. Clearly, the formation of any global sport spectacle is not a straightforward exercise and is rife with numerous stakeholders with different, potentially conflicting, agendas. These competing agents and their motivations form the central aspect of this chapter. A theoretical overview of the interrelated concepts of spectacle and global sport provides the analytical framework for understanding the machinations behind the emergence of the WBC. The history of the globalization of baseball and the politics involved in the initial production of the WBC are then discussed. The chapter concludes by looking at the current issues faced by the WBC organizers as the 2013 Classic rapidly approaches.

Spectacle and global sport Spectacle, as John MacAloon (1984) tells us, is a remarkable or noteworthy public display appealing or intending to appeal to the eye by its mass, proportions, colour or other dramatic qualities. It denotes no specific style or mood other than diffuse wonder or awe. Instead, a range of emotions may be generated and intensified within the spectacle. It is a dynamic form demanding action, movement and exchange on the part of actors and of the audience. The normative, organically linked roles of actors and audience, performers and spectators are essential elements of spectacles. If one or the other is missing, there is no spectacle. Yet spectacles must not be understood as events in which spectators passively accept or absorb the performance and its meanings. Rather, the audience actively creates parts of the actual spectacle through its emotional investment. In this manner, spectacles can be understood as a public form of thinking made physical, of making social meanings via telling stories about certain ambiguities and ambivalences in people’s existence. A spectacle’s significance lies in its increasingly normative participation. Spectacles are all about the display of power. States have made use of mass public spectacles throughout history. In the twentieth century, these forms have taken on increasing importance as a means of glossing over conflicting social relationships caused by the lack of political differentiation and gaps between state ideology and lived reality. Governments are not the only purveyors of spectacle, of course. George Ritzer explores how spectacle is used in capitalism to address the increasing sense of alienation felt by consumers (1999). Ritzer’s take on these spectacular manifestations is rather

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positive, whereas Guy Debord takes a more cynical perspective. Debord (1995) sees capitalism as a spectacle that masks the conditions of modern life, disconnecting people from the material and historical circumstances in which they live. Display and representation constitute central elements of all spectacles. Even though spectacles appear chaotic and free flowing, they are actually highly ordered and hierarchical events. Spectacles rarely become potential sites for challenging the status quo because everything is organized and registered, and must follow strict regulations; they require witness and enthusiastic spectators conversant with the rules of the performance and their underlying meanings. In global sport spectacles, athletes not only compete; they enact a familiar ceremony that reaffirms supposedly common values presumed to exist within global sport. The concept of global sport requires an understanding of the world as a singular whole, so that a common activity called ‘sport’ can be seen to be going on everywhere. There exist an extraordinary number of sports in the world. Many of these are ‘global’ in the sense that international competitions, world championships, world cups and the like are regularly organized. In addition, most now have international, as well national, governing bodies and associations. At the same time, the differences between various sports are what open the debate over the very existence of this thing widely called ‘global sport’. The remarkable planetary spread of a profoundly standardized conception of sport has displaced other forms of game playing and forms of physical contests requiring luck and skill. Global sport certainly has manifest advantages for the project of globalization: it is a cultural practice that, at the elite level, takes place according to standardized rules in delimited time and space with a ready-made ‘on-site’ audience (Rowe 2003: 285). Not everyone sees this particular development as something to be celebrated; some see the emergence of global sport as the thin edge of a powerful wedge designed to augment and reinforce domination and exploitation (Perelman 2012; Rowe 2003). The emergence of global sport has led to a radical restructuring of sport, resulting, in effect, in the creation of New Economic Order sport or NEOsport (Carter 2011). NEOsport constitutes multiple institutional structures dominated and controlled by a transnational capitalist class (Sklair 2000) that attempts to dominate and control the organization, production, distribution and consumption of its various products in numerous locales throughout the world. Configured along the principles of neoliberal capitalism, the spread of global sport has systematically insinuated itself into a multitude of local contexts challenging, transforming and often dominating, pre-existing structures of sport. As I have argued previously, virtually all aspects of global sport, from its governing bodies to its (re)ordering of local leagues, competitions, organizations and labour practices, are driven and delineated by the principles of NEOsport. It manifests in local struggles over the structure, governance and experience of sport. For local owners and associated corporations, the arrival of a NEOsport ethos is nothing more than a straightforward vehicle for

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profit-driven development. For local consumers, its arrival transforms local sport from a communal spectacle to a branded commodity designed, as and for, affective, disposable consumption by consumer citizens. In this sense, NEOsport aspires to particular forms of disciplinary power that it inherits from the imperial state apparatus. It instantiates capitalist agency in so far as it attempts to manifest as some totality of allegedly neutral, universal knowledge of the world. Born out of an ideology of cultural difference, global sport’s fundamental thrust is to capture difference, homogenizing, controlling and affirming those distinctions, in order to release it into the epistemic grid of globalization. Globalization’s virtual indescribability indicates its hegemony over discourse even as its very meaning is contested. That globalization is not easily described is revealing; its actual formations and relations are hidden behind a teleological ideology that obscures the various ways capitalism penetrates local economies and how capitalist production and consumption restructure localities (Comaroff and Comaroff 2000; Tsing 2005). In so doing, globalization constitutes a circular modality that occludes rather than affirms, according to Fernando Coronil (2000), an ongoing domination of the West via a number of representational operations. This includes the dissolution of the West into ‘the market’ that has crystallized more opaque transnational concentrations of financial and political power. In short, globalization discourses mask actual power transmutations by making it appear that globalization is a thing sui generis and inevitable. To paraphrase Phillip Abrams (1988), globalization is not the reality, which stands behind the mask of political practice. It is itself the mask, which prevents our seeing political practices as they are. To see globalization not as a reality but as a mask that obscures political realities and power relations implicates globalization and global sport. Such an approach begins to reveal the construction of an inherently deceptive reality, while permitting us to recognize the cogency of the idea of globalization as an ideological power and to treat global sport as a compelling object of analysis. Global sport spectacles provide a virtually blank canvas upon which to project values and mores while masking the embedded power relations pursued by globalization advocates. The composition of a ‘good show’ is dependent on specific cultural values inscribed upon or implanted within seemingly universal acts and symbols. Performances crystallize otherwise diffuse and obscured themes of existence in everyday life through the selection and concentrations of specific culturally designed discourses. As phenomenally valid mechanisms for drawing together all forms of consciousness onto an auto-inscriptive self-portrait of power, ‘the spectacle appears at once as society itself, as part of society and as a means of unification’ (Debord 1995: 12). This is, in fact, the precise mechanism of fetishism, whereby the signifier depends upon yet erases its signification. Just because the outward form is the same – that is, the formal rules of the game and its performative format are shared – this in no way leads logically to shared meanings. Studies on the

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consumption of global commodities, like Coca-Cola and McDonald’s, make this all too apparent (Foster 2008; Watson 2006). The same is true of any sport, whether that be baseball (Gmelch 2006), football (Alabarces 2000, 2003; Armstrong and Giulianotti 2001) or any other so-called ‘global sport’. Global sport, then, is a commodity fetish that hides the existing power relations within sports industries. The spectacle of global sport blurs the boundaries of what should be considered exploitative economic behaviour first and foremost in the area of labour relations. The inscription of such discursive power goes a long way toward fetishizing what would otherwise be apparent: the unequal relations of power. Thus, to speak of a global sport as if it is a form of some ‘global culture’ is nonsensical, at best, and misleading and exploitative, at worst.

The globalization of baseball The appeal of baseball today is international. This simply cannot be denied as professional leagues exist throughout the Americas, Asia, Europe and Australia. Further, all of these locales have produced players for the professional leagues in the US. Baseball in the US has a storied, mythical history of golden, plentiful times and a history that neatly parallels the political and social thought and events in US history. Behind that mythic curtain, though, the real development of baseball in the US is one of ruthless business takeovers, shady double dealings and the elimination of potential threats. Major League Baseball (MLB) was itself formed out of a vicious struggle between two competing baseball leagues in which owners eventually realized that the only way for any one league to survive was to form an alliance to keep them from competing against one another for athletic labour (Helyar 1994). Over the last decades of the twentieth century, MLB methodically took control of foreign professional leagues, in effect running Dominican, Venezuelan and Mexican professional leagues so that competing foreign owners could not form a unified bloc against its own production of baseball spectacles. Despite this carnivorous nature of MLB, the role of baseball in US history is portrayed as one of benign, or even beneficial imperialism. Baseball was part of the ‘modernizing’ endeavour of the more ‘primitive’ regions that were of strategic interest to the US. As the American director of a multinational corporation that produces baseball sporting goods told me in Costa Rica, ‘You want to know how baseball spread? Look where the [US] Marines landed, and there it is. Where they didn’t, nothing.’ That is the commonly accepted popular history about the spread of baseball around the world. It is wholly inaccurate. Certainly, baseball was a tool of US foreign policy and was deliberately deployed as a means of increasing US influence around the world (Elias 2010). But to leave the diffusion of baseball to the auspices of the US military and American entrepreneurs denies any agency by other channels. The adoption of Western sports over indigenous forms of sport can be construed to be a form of imperialism,

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methodically and invariably destroying local values, social structures and practices. Such a theoretical position removes any semblance of local agency from the globalization of sport by equating the diffusion of sport as a form of Orientalism (Said 1978). Indeed, there are those who argue that the Olympic Games are a late modern manifestation of neocolonial agendas (Eichberg 1998; Perelman 2012). Yet, to say that ‘even the Cubans, for all their nationalistic and ideological rhetoric, prove the success of their Revolution, if only to themselves, by playing Anglo sport better than the Anglos’ (Arbena 1990: 325) misses the point completely. Baseball, like any other sport played around the world, is no more a US sport than Catholicism is an Italian religion. Sports are modified, adapted and incorporated into local practices and sensibilities. Sport also is ideologically empty; it can be, and has been, put to the service of various modern political positions from fascism to liberalism to communism (Hoberman 1984). Obviously then, baseball can certainly be employed to promote a particular ideological projection of globalization. Alan Klein chronicles MLB’s efforts to globalize baseball as it attempts to expand its influence, its markets and its control of baseball spectacles in his broad-ranging study, Growing the Game (2006). He chronicles the historical developments of the corporation’s attempts to expand its control of the sport and, in his concluding chapter, discusses several related issues, such as a world draft, new media (for example, Internet broadcasting rights), the Olympics in relation to the American national team, MLB’s interactions with Japanese professional baseball and the early struggles to develop the World Baseball Classic (Klein 2006: 223–43). The reasons that MLB officials decided to focus on global growth are numerous yet not unique to that corporation. Many major professional sport properties pursue similar strategies. These corporate bodies seek growth outside their own national and regional borders to showcase their spectacles to international audiences to increase consumption of their own particular product(s). Sport crosses international boundaries with increasing regularity due to the influx of worldwide talent, global television audiences and greater access to licensed merchandise. In effect, globalization has become a top priority of many sport corporations including all major US sports corporations. The major US sports are all engaged in global expansion strategies. For example, the National Basketball Association (NBA), the National Football League (NFL), the National Hockey League (NHL) and Major League Baseball (MLB) all have strategies for establishing greater presence in Europe. Yet the success of the NBA and NHL at producing players, the NBA’s establishing an economic beachhead in Europe and the NFL’s apparent success in situating itself in Europe as a sport spectacle all stand in stark contrast to the abject failures of MLB to establish any sort of development programme, economic foothold or other form of widely recognized presence in Europe. No North American sport organization has been more successful in globalizing its products than the National Basketball Association. NBA marketers understand that international development is central to their own

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well-being as a business. The NBA has succeeded in Europe, where MLB struggles, in part because the NBA has developed a number of impact players from European countries and has long-range plans of establishing franchises in Europe. In contrast, MLB grassroots campaigns remain abjectly alien to the cultures into which it is inserted. A simplistic assertion would lay these difficulties at the failures of marketing. While marketing and its associated symbolic discourses, more commonly recognized as ‘branding’, can be, and often are, blamed for baseball’s failure to establish itself, there is something more than simply the failure of a product to take hold in a given culture. Brands represent a symbolic bond between a specific practice and associated values in a concrete, material form. For example, a car is just a car and the cultural values associated with driving are specific to various places in Europe. Porsche and Volkswagen, two specific brands, are manufactured by the same corporation but clearly represent different values and norms related to the simple act of driving. The consumption of sport is similar, with its various brands. Soccer is soccer everywhere, but the quality of the spectacle, that is, athletic skill, comfort in stadia, conditions of pitches and style of play, all shape the values found within the various soccer spectacles found throughout Europe. In other words, the UEFA Champions League presents a different brand from either the English Premier League or the Scottish Premier League. They all are soccer spectacles but they present very different outlooks and values within the encompassing spectacles. In other words, the consumption of sport spectacles is culturally specific and the European stance towards sport and spectacles has not proven conducive to the establishment of baseball. The values, norms and cultural specificities of the primary promoter of the sport, Major League Baseball, Inc., do not resonate in the localities where it is being promoted. Having said that, MLB recently made strides in developing baseball in Europe with the assistance of the global governing body of baseball, the International Baseball Federation (IBAF). There are now developmental leagues in Italy, Czech Republic and the Netherlands that produce athletes capable of playing professionally in North America. This is important because European players can be developed and contracted at a fraction of the cost it would take to contract a North American athlete. In addition, the Netherlands and Italy have small professional leagues that produce spectacles. These developments are bankrolled by MLB while promoted under the auspices of the IBAF. Formed in 1938, the original International Baseball Federation (IBF) was the first global governing body of the sport. Like the historical development of MLB, it too has had its fair share of internecine struggles throughout the twentieth century. Much of the early developments in the formation of the IBF were centred upon European baseball. However, the organization’s name and premier tournament were rechristened in 1940, with the IBF becoming the Federación Internacional de Béisbol Amateur (FIBA), to reflect the strong influence of Latin American baseball-playing nations. At the end of

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the 1972 Amateur World Series, FIBA officials accused the Nicaraguan organizers of diverting funds. The 1973 FIBA Congress suspended Nicaragua against the wishes of the European and North American delegates. They felt that FIBA did not represent their interests and in September 1973 formed the Federación Mundial de Béisbol Amateur (FEMBA). FIBA was still the only international baseball organization recognized by the International Olympic Committee (IOC). On behalf of FEMBA, Major League Baseball Commissioner Bowie Kuhn met the president of the IOC, Lord Killanin, who informed Kuhn that baseball would never be an Olympic sport if the two federations did not amalgamate. In January 1976, FIBA and FEMBA merged to form the Asociación Internacional Béisbol Amateur (AINBA). When AINBA president American Robert Smith managed to get baseball confirmed as a demonstration sport for the 1984 Los Angeles Olympic Games, the central committee decided to change the name of the organization again, to the International Baseball Association (IBA). The organization then changed its moniker back to the original federation’s namesake, reforming as the International Baseball Federation (IBAF) when its Italian president, Aldo Notari, moved the organization’s offices to Lausanne, Switzerland, and opened its international tournaments to professionals in 1993. While the IBAF is concerned with the development of baseball at the grassroots level, MLB’s emphasis was not on the amateur aspects of the sport. MLB’s focus was on expanding its ability to generate cheap labour and establish new markets for its products. Each strand of MLB’s globalization strategy, though, took Major League Baseball to different parts of the world: Latin America for labour and Asia, South Africa and Europe for new consumers (Klein 2006). The strategies surrounding the rising costs of domestic labour first emerged as a handful of franchises established baseball ‘academies’ in Latin American countries, especially the Dominican Republic and Venezuela in the 1980s. By the turn of the millennium, every single MLB franchise had an academy in the Dominican Republic along with numerous Nippon Professional Baseball clubs. Similarly, many MLB clubs also established academies and working affiliations with the Venezuelan professional teams. However, the millennium also saw the Commissioner’s Office of Major League Baseball (CO) rein in the international activities of its attendant franchises (the various clubs) by centralizing various international activities and restraining any individual franchise owners who wished to develop particular markets, whether that market was labour or media oriented. The CO assumed all Internet rights and operations for the entirety of MLB. The franchises were excluded from developing their own independent virtual presence. Individual franchises maintained their local media rights and revenues but national media revenues were split evenly amongst the 30 franchises. Recognizing that the Internet could generate significant revenues and that the league already controlled traditional media at the national and international scale led to a seemingly logical extension of that control to all

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Internet media. These concerns, however, dealt only with MLB’s established product; it did not bring a global spectacle to new markets. The World Baseball Classic became the vehicle for MLB to reach new environs and tap into established sport-related consumer markets while exploring new ones, such as China. In assessing MLB’s logic for undertaking the WBC, MLB President Bob DuPuy stated, ‘Our world has become increasingly smaller. As a result, entertainment product – our product – is going to be worldwide. You can’t be parochial anymore’ (King 2006). While MLB officials had been working on the idea of a global tournament for years, the sudden removal of baseball from the pantheon of Olympic sports by the IOC in 2003 made the viability of an international tournament run by and for the benefit of MLB all the more enticing. The World Baseball Classic was about to be born.

The political games behind the Classic spectacle The World Baseball Classic is a corporate entity designed for sustainable profit-making. It is owned directly by other corporate entities, not indirectly like the Olympics or the FIFA World Cup. Formally approved by MLB owners in 2004, World Baseball Classic, Inc., is a company created by MLB and the Major League Baseball Players Association (MLBPA) labour union to operate the WBC tournament. It is sanctioned by the International Baseball Federation and supported by professional baseball leagues and players’ associations around the world. According to Paul Archey, MLB’s Senior Vice President of International Business Operations, the purpose of the WBC was to ‘build a platform where the best players in the game could play on behalf of their countries and get baseball better global exposure’ (Lefton 2006). Without Major League Baseball and the Major League Baseball Players Association, the WBC would not exist and, in all likelihood, nor would any other fiscally viable global baseball spectacle. Given that MLB now controls the production of the most visible and prominent global baseball spectacle, it is unlikely that there would be any other viable world championship format. Unlike the IOC, MLB does not attempt to stylize itself as a global movement with a dedicated agenda but rather solely extols the excellence of baseball. In other words, global baseball is intrinsically valuable while the other global sport spectacles are not only intrinsically worthwhile but also exude extrinsic values beyond that of the spectacle themselves. The WBC and its organizers make no such grandiose claims: this is a business venture designed to expand the reach of MLB beyond North America. As a new business venture, MLB officials needed to assess and deflect or negate any potential competing threats to their nascent spectacle. The two principle baseball-related threats were from Japanese and Cuban authorities, for very different reasons. MLB had been trying for years to establish a working relationship with Nippon Professional Baseball (NPB) that allowed it greater control over Japanese baseball. Indeed, the real economic threat and

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challenge to MLB’s efforts at controlling global baseball came from the owners of the NPB (Kelly 2006: 154–57). The inclusion of Japan took years and ultimately only occurred because MLB publicly announced the tournament’s existence and slotted Japan into place before confirming Japanese participation or completing negotiations with NPB officials or player’s union. The Japanese were recalcitrant. They wanted baseball’s international governing body, the IBAF, or another international sporting body, such as the IOC, to host such a tournament and not their competitor, Major League Baseball. They preferred a tournament in November, not March, because that suited their league structures better. In November 2004, representatives of NPB, the Korean Professional League and MLB met in Tokyo and agreed in principle to hold a World Baseball Classic including a qualifying round in Tokyo, amongst the Asian teams. However, the Japanese believed that the financial structure of this tournament was yet to be negotiated at a meeting scheduled for December 2004. That meeting was cancelled by MLB officials for reasons that remain murky. In May 2005, MLB Commissioner Bud Selig and MLBPA head Donald Fehr announced the plan for a 16-team tournament that would take place in March 2006, including a first-round group hosted in Japan with no formal agreement in place for Japanese participation. They also announced that proceeds would form a central fund that would later be divided by the participating organizations, even though that had yet to be agreed upon. Nippon Professional Baseball wanted to control the rights to the Asian qualifying round themselves. This would not work in the MLB model because that would make the NPB a partner, co-owner and manager of a portion of the Classic rather than a participant at the behest of MLB. The conundrum was how to get Japanese participation without real Japanese partnership. MLB managed to do this through a public pre-emptive strike, forcing the Japanese hand. The economic risks embodied by the Japanese were certainly a factor in the initial preparations of the WBC. This threat did not go away, either. In 2012, the Japanese Players Association threatened to boycott the 2013 Classic unless advertising revenue for the regional phases of the tournament was redistributed so that NPB and the JPA controlled revenues generated in Asia (Schelegel 2012). The economic threats from the Japanese were not the only ones MLB faced. The Cubans presented a different kind of challenge. A series of interrelated issues imperiled Cuban participation in the Classic, and since the Cubans were widely recognized as one of the best baseball-playing nations in the world, their absence would seriously undermine the legitimacy of the spectacle. Some of these issues became publicly visible even as other aspects threatening Cuban inclusion remained wholly behind the scenes. A significant challenge faced by MLB officials to include the Cuban national team was the ongoing political hostility between the US and the Cuban governments. MLB had been attempting to reach a rapport with the Federación Cubana de Béisbol Aficionado (FCBA). MLB attempts to come to some accord that would link the two organizations despite the frigid

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relations between their two governments had been ongoing for over four decades. Attempts were made in the 1970s for an exhibition series between the Cuban national team and a team of MLB All-Stars (Carter and Sugden 2012). Several owners of MLB franchises over the years attempted to negotiate their own agreements with the Cubans. Peter Angelos, the owner of the Baltimore Orioles, finally succeeded, with the assistance of the MLB Commissioner Bud Selig, in reaching an accord with Cubans that resulted in a two-game exhibition in 1999. That series almost did not occur and it took last-minute intervention by President Clinton the night before the scheduled game in Baltimore (Maryland) to ensure it would take place (Carter 1999). The major stumbling blocks to those earlier attempts remain. They are the Trading with the Enemy Act and the follow-up Helms–Burton law that restricts trade with Cuba, the kinds of interaction US and Cuban entities may have, and also makes it extremely difficult for Cubans to obtain entry visas to the US. On 14 December 2005, the United States Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control denied the Cuban national team a licence to play due to the continuing US embargo against Cuba. The Trading with the Enemy Act prevents Cuban entities from making a profit in its interactions with any US business, which, as the owner of the WBC, Major League Baseball was one. Because there was prize money at stake for each of the national federations, as well as a split of the proceeds for participating, mandarins in the US State Department sought to restrict Cuba’s participation. After this decision was made public, Cuban President Fidel Castro announced to the international media that any profit made by Cuba in the Classic would be donated to the victims of Hurricane Katrina. Upon Castro’s announcement, Major League Baseball and the MLBPA both resubmitted Cuba’s application. When the State Department announced their refusal to issue entry visas to the Cuban national team, it caused a variety of responses. Cuban-American members of Congress and media outlets in South Florida suggested blithely that since there were so many Cubans who played professionally in the United States, a team from Cuba was not really needed. A ‘new’ Cuba team could be formed using recent athletes who had defected and other exiles. Cuban officials stated that it would not allow players who had defected to the United States to play in the Major Leagues to represent Cuba. That such a stratagem was considered possible by figures in the US had everything to do with the regulations for forming ‘national’ teams set down by MLB for the event. Unlike the IOC and other international governing bodies’ regulations, including IBAF rules, athletes did not necessarily have to be citizens of the ‘nation’ they would represent. They could choose to represent either the ‘nation’ of their birth or their place of permanent residency. Their citizenship, that is, the passport they held, had nothing to do with it. The formation, even the mere suggestion, of an alternative ‘Cuban’ team was a huge political statement denying the Cuban government’s legitimacy, and in Cuban eyes a significant threat.

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On 6 January 2006, less than two months before the anticipated start of the inaugural tournament, the IBAF also threatened to withdraw its sanctioning of the World Baseball Classic unless the Bush administration allowed the existing Cuban national team to compete. Considering MLB was bankrolling this venture, it would appear at first glance that the IBAF was making an empty threat. However, the withdrawal of its sanction would also mean that organizations over which it governed, the majority of national governing bodies, would also then pull their teams or they would be banned from all other international tournaments. That alone was treated with some disdain and disregard in US circles. The myopic view of most US residents was that baseball began and ended with MLB and the others should be grateful that they were invited to participate. MLB officials, however, were not so dismissive. They lobbied the Bush-occupied White House to pressure the State Department to issue the necessary visas. Those pressures, and the IBAF threats, were insufficient. Further responses came from the Federación de Béisbol Aficionado de Puerto Rico and the IOC. San Juan (Puerto Rico) was to be one of the four host sites for the first round of the 2006 World Baseball Classic. The Puerto Rican Federation threatened to withdraw its own squad and would refuse to hold the first-round games scheduled in Puerto Rico. The sudden withdrawal of the host so close to the start of the tournament would throw the entire event into doubt. The IOC, through the US Olympic Committee, informed US Representatives and Senators that failure to allow the Cubans to participate would jeopardize any future participation by US squads in IOC-sanctioned events. Furthermore, the US would face an IOC ban on hosting future Olympic festivals. Working furiously behind the scenes in the halls of the US government, MLB officials finally persuaded State Department officials that excluding the Cubans was detrimental to US interests and Treasury Department bureaucrats that the Cubans would not gain financially from their participation in the tournament. On 20 January 2006, the Treasury Department announced: Working closely with World Baseball Inc. [sic] and the State Department, we were able to reach a licensable agreement that upholds both the legal scope and the spirit of the sanctions … that would ensure the World Baseball Classic would proceed. This agreement ensures that no funding will make its way into the hands of the Castro regime. (espn.com 2006) The first World Baseball Classic began on 3 March 2006. The politics of Cuba’s inclusion continued throughout the event. Public protests at the Cubans’ presence were made in San Juan and in the US as the team stormed through the tournament. The Cubans, too, fuelled the brouhaha as they refused to meet with journalists and frequently complained that the support received and the regulations sanctioning media and public contact did not mirror IOC standards. From the Cubans’ perspective, the WBC paled in

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comparison to other international sport spectacles. In addition, the money that was to be donated to the hurricane relief fund to assist victims of Katrina was frozen. In the ongoing political pettiness running rampant behind the scenes, the US government refused to allow the donation after the tournament’s completion.

Concluding remarks: the 2013 World Baseball Classic These challenges did not emerge in the lead-up to the second World Baseball Classic, held in 2009, even though the majority of the tournament was held in the US again. Politically, the Obama administration holds a different perspective on cultural contacts between US and Cuban entities, as reflected in a minor shift in policy emphasis. However, the overall policy of sanctions and embargo remains. Despite the frozen relations between the two governments, Cuba’s participation was not questioned and the Classic’s economic model was more entrenched. MLB’s rationale for the WBC was to create a platform from which it could market itself and the sport of baseball on a greater international level. In this, it is clearly succeeding. Furthermore, its partnership with IBAF in legitimating its business venture as a global baseball spectacle is stronger than ever. The IBAF recently announced on its own website that the World Baseball Classic fulfils its own vision. While the IBAF’s motivation is unarticulated, it is clear what MLB’s vision of the Classic is. ‘Growing the game of baseball around the globe is the primary objective of the World Baseball Classic’, MLB commissioner Bud Selig baldly proclaimed (Baseball Canada 2011). Yet there are changes afoot in this barely established spectacle. In the IBAF’s publication outlining the changes in global baseball (IBAF 2012), it portrays itself as the engine driving global baseball’s development. In 2013, the IBAF will award the winners the title World Champion. More importantly, the tournament is growing. ‘By expanding the competitive field of the 2013 tournament, we are demonstrating our commitment to this goal and reinforcing that the World Baseball Classic is the premier showcase of baseball around the globe’, said Major League Baseball Commissioner Bud Selig (Fordin 2011). Concurrently, Riccardo Fraccari, current President of IBAF, said: On behalf of the IBAF and its 119 national federations, it is wonderful that the quality of baseball internationally has warranted the expansion of the World Baseball Classic. The expansion to 28 teams will be beneficial not only for the worldwide development of baseball, but also to raise the technical level of play in many countries that were previously unable to compete at such levels. (Ibid.) So now, 28 teams will take part, although like the FIFA World Cup, the qualifying tournaments do not garner anywhere near the media attention the

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finals do, nor do they appear to generate revenue. Instead of being an invitational event to 16 nations, there are now qualifying rounds played in the autumn prior to the Classic. The winners of each of the four pools will then join the top 12 teams in the world, identified as the ones who won at least one game in the previous Classic, to form the tournament final of 16 to be held in March 2013. In many ways, the expansion of the tournament is similar to the Rugby World Cup. There are only a handful of nations that excel at the sport and they dominate international competitions. There is a clear division between those half-dozen nations and the rest of the field. The same can be said of baseball. A half-dozen nations, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Japan, Korea, the US and Venezuela, fulfil the first tier, and then the rest of the field of 16 is filled out with other ‘nations’. Only some of these have either a strong heritage of baseball or currently are part of the development strategy of MLB. Expanding the field to 28 is a significant reach: it may help in developing awareness and the sport in those countries, as Fraccari suggests, but the risk is the dilution of the quality of play in its showcase spectacle. Even if ‘the overwhelming fan, player and media support bestowed upon the first two World Baseball Classics is at the root of this decision’ (Fordin 2011), MLBPA Executive Director Michael Weiner’s stated enthusiasm seems somewhat misplaced. Recognizing this risk, the IBAF has also announced that a Premier 12 tournament is to be played, beginning in 2015. No mention of this tournament has appeared on Major League Baseball’s website or in their publications at this time. Considering Olympic baseball was dropped because the best players did not compete due to the Olympics being in the middle of the MLB season, it seems rather dubious to expect MLB or MLBPA to participate, support or otherwise sanction a tournament that exposes its stars to potential injury without any compensation to its franchise owners or the corporation. The invention of the World Baseball Classic is an exemplary case of the fetishization of sport – in this instance, the production of global baseball. Global baseball is but the latest commodity promoted under the principles and organizing structures of NEOsport. The alliance between Major League Baseball and the International Baseball Federation is forming a new, potentially hegemonic, governing structure of New Economic Order baseball (NEObaseball). It is a structure that does not account for domestic or national baseball industries or grassroots development unless they submit to MLB’s own configuration and control. Despite MLB’s approach, multinational corporations can no longer be seen simply as cultural imperialists exporting anonymous Western values at the expense of all that is local or indigenous. It is crucial to recognize that corporations do not merely extract resources, and manufacture and sell goods; they are increasingly important cultural producers that define the social realities of people’s lives. That many of the major corporations in the world hold reserves that outstrip many of the smaller nation states suggests that the sovereignty of the state is increasingly

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challenged by global non-state actors like international governing bodies and transnational corporations. NEObaseball is shifting the relations of production and consumption via the spectacle of global baseball. This restructuring is evident in NEObaseball as the production of both future labourers (athletes) and consumers is part of the spectacle. Broadly promoted for the good of baseball, the World Baseball Classic, and MLB’s reasons for producing such a spectacle, may prove to be ‘good’ for baseball, but they are the ones determining what is good for baseball, not the ones who play the sport. It is one particular vision of baseball; it need not be the only one.

Bibliography Abrams, P. (1988) ‘Notes on the difficulty of studying the state’, Journal of Historical Sociology, 1(1): 58–89. Alabarces, P. (ed.) (2000) Peligro de gol: Estudios sobre deporte y sociedad en América Latina, Buenos Aires: CLASCO. Arbena, J. (1990) ‘Sport and revolution: The continuing Cuban experience’, Studies in Latin American Popular Culture, 9: 319–28. Armstrong, G. and Giulianotti, R. (eds) (2001) Fear and Loathing in World Football, Oxford: Berg. Baseball Canada (2011) ‘2013 World Baseball Classic field expands to 28 teams’ (1 June). Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 3 August 2011). Carter, T. F. (1999) ‘The political fallacy of baseball diplomacy’, Peace Review, 11(4): 95–107. ——(2011) In Foreign Fields: The Politics and Experiences of Transnational Sport Migration, London: Pluto Press. Carter, T. F. and Sugden, J. (2012) ‘The USA and sporting diplomacy: Comparing and contrasting the cases of table tennis with China and baseball with Cuba in the 1970s’, International Relations, 26(1): 101–21. Comaroff, J. and Comaroff, J. (2000) ‘Millennial capitalism: First thoughts on a second coming’, Public Culture, 12(2): 291–343. Coronil, F. (2000) ‘Toward a critique of globalcentrism: Speculations on capitalism’s nature’, Public Culture, 12(2): 351–74. Debord, G. (1995) The Society of the Spectacle, New York: Zone Books. Eichberg, H. (1998) ‘Olympic sport: Neo-colonialsm and alternatives’, in J. Bale and C. Philo (eds) Body Cultures: Essays on Sport, Space and Identity, London: Routledge, 100–10. Elias, R. (2010) The Empire Strikes Out: How Baseball Sold US Foreign Policy and Promoted the American Way Abroad, New York: The New Press. espn.com (2006) ‘Treasury Department allows Cuba into WBC’, espn.com news service (23 January). Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 23 June 2012). Fordin, S. (2011) ‘World Baseball Classic expands to 28 teams’, mlb.com (1 June). Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 30 June 2011). Foster, R. J. (2008) Coca-Globalization: Following Soft Drinks from New York to New Guinea, New York: Palgrave MacMillan.

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Gmelch, G. (ed.) (2006) Baseball without Borders: The International Pastime, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Helyar, J. (1994) Lords of the Realm: The Real History of Baseball, New York: Ballantine Books. Hoberman, J. (1984) Sport and Political Ideology, Austin: University of Texas Press. IBAF (2012) Global Baseball, Lausanne: International Baseball Federation. Kelly, J. D. (2006) The American Game: Capitalism, Decolonization, World Domination, and Baseball, Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press. King, B. (2006) ‘Speaking their language’, Sports Business Journal, 13 March, 1. Klein, A. M. (2006) Growing the Game: The Globalization of Major League Baseball, New Haven: Yale University Press. Lefton, T. (2006) ‘Classic rounding third toward a profit’, Sports Business Journal, 20 February, 3. MacAloon, J. (1984) ‘Olympic Games and the theory of spectacle in modern societies’, in J. MacAloon (ed.) Rite, Drama, Festival, Spectacle: Rehearsals toward a Theory of Cultural Performance, Philadelphia: ISHI, 241–80. Perelman, M. (2012) Barbaric Sport: A Global Plague, J. Howe (trans.), London: Verso. Ritzer, G. (1999) Enchanting a Disenchanted World: Revolutionizing the Means of Consumption, Thousand Oaks: Pine Forge Press. Rowe, D. (2003) ‘Sport and the repudiation of the global’, International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 38(3): 281–94. Said, E. W. (1978) Orientalism, New York: Vintage. Schelegel, J. (2012) ‘Japanese pros threaten boycott of 2013 Classic’, mlb.com (20 July). Online. Available HTTP: (accessed 25 August 2012). Sklair, L. (2000) The Transnational Capitalist Class, Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Tsing, A. (2005) Friction: An Ethnography of Global Connection, Princeton: Princeton University Press. Watson, J. (2006) Golden Arches East: McDonald’s in East Asia, Stanford: Stanford University Press.

10 Politics as spectacle U2’s 360° tour (2009–11) Michael Williams

In July 2011, Irish band U2 ended the largest grossing tour in rock history. It generated an estimated £450 million and was seen by over seven million people at over 110 shows in 30 countries around the world (Billboard 2011). U2 and their previous tours have been subject to significant academic analyses and are considered pioneers of live rock music as spectacle. However, understanding of their events as contemporary spectacles, and, in particular, the power relationships and politics associated with them is underdeveloped. Therefore, this chapter examines U2’s most recent world tour entitled ‘360°’ as a contemporary spectacle. It focuses on the complex and dynamic relationship between band and spectators in the creation of a spectacle. On one hand, U2 shows appear intentionally to exploit the spectacle to engage their global audiences in selected socio-political causes that they communicate through their live music performances. On the other, spectators appear to fulfil active roles in the creation of the spectacle. The central argument of this chapter is that spectacles, such as U2’s 360° tour, provide more than commercial entertainment and passive consumer experiences. They also generate emancipatory opportunities for both performers and spectators to challenge existing power structures. A number of scholars have examined the concept and phenomenon of ‘rock music’ within the social sciences, in particular through Cultural Studies (Bennett 2001; Frith 1978, 1988 and 2007; Friedlander 2006; Gracyk 1996; Grossberg 1984; Wicke 1990). However, there has been limited theoretically framed and in-depth historical analysis of the development of live concerts or the category of live performance. Scholarly attention has tended disproportionately towards the music rather than its live performance; that is, the spectacle (Auslander 2008; Gracyk 1996; Holt 2010). The research for this chapter forms part of my PhD project examining music events as spectacle and is based on a phenomenological approach. My investigation draws on analyses of existing academic literature, media reports, concert documentaries and images, my insider knowledge as a fan of U2, and observations and experiences attending four of the most recent shows in Dublin, Istanbul, Pittsburgh and the final concert in Moncton, Canada. Prior to examining the notion of the spectacle, this chapter provides a brief overview of the history of U2 and their most recent tour. This is followed by a

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critical examination of the power relationships and politics associated with ‘U2 360°’ as a contemporary spectacle and popular cultural phenomenon. Turner (2003: 15) argues that meanings are created and experienced through culture and that within cultures, social realities are developed, experienced and interpreted. Hall and Nietz (1993: 151) suggest culture is mass-produced, mass-distributed and consumed on a mass basis. Their observations are particularly relevant in considering the power relationships and politics of rock music events, which are considered a mass cultural phenomenon (Frith 2007).

U2: the band, the music and the shows U2 have been acknowledged in the popular music press as the most successful rock band on the planet (The Telegraph 2011). Their achievements have been recognized and rewarded by industry and fans alike, with 22 Grammy awards, eight Brit awards and numerous other industry accolades, as well as an estimated combined fortune of £512 million (Sunday Times 2012). Formed in Dublin in 1976 and originally named ‘Feedback’, U2 first met in response to an advertisement placed on a notice board at the Mount Temple Comprehensive School by drummer Lawrence (Larry) Mullen Junior. He was joined by guitarist David Howell Evans (The Edge), bass guitarist Adam Clayton and lead singer Paul Hewson (Bono). U2, now in its thirty-sixth year, have produced 12 studio albums and sold in excess of 170 million records. U2’s tours are a commercial venture between the band and promoter Live Nation, and the many suppliers that enable and support them. According to Bracewell (2004: 10), the band are pioneers of the live presentation of rock music as spectacle. U2’s music and concerts are full of political and social messages, which are communicated through the song lyrics, short speeches and visual aspects of the concerts. U2’s shows engage their global audiences in the socio-political causes they communicate through their live music performances. The staging of U2’s events seemingly is influenced by political, economic and cultural forces, such as the structures of the cultural industries and the market for rock music events. Their events also provide positive, engaging and entertaining experiences for the fans (Cogan 2006; Morley and Somdhal-Sands 2011). In June 2009, U2 began their seventeenth world tour in the Camp Nou stadium, Barcelona (De La Parra 2003; U2.com). The event followed the release of the band’s twelfth studio album, No Line on the Horizon. When it ended in 2011, it was heralded as the biggest grossing tour in rock music history, breaking several stadium attendance records and securing a number of industry awards (Billboard 2011). The tour was initially planned to take in 100 cities in various locations in Europe, North America, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. In January 2011, several additional dates were announced including South Africa, Mexico and South America, ending in Moncton, Canada, in July 2011. U2 performed in some countries for the first time, including Moscow (Russia) and Istanbul (Turkey). However, the tour did not

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go to Asia or the Middle East. There is no official comment from the band or their management on why ‘U2 360°’ did not visit these regions. U2 have performed in Asia five times in all of their previous tours and only ever in Japan. The band have never played in India, China or the Middle East (De La Parra 2003). The majority of academic research into U2 discusses and analyses their music and performances, the political and social causes the band favours, and its influence and impact. Furthermore, some academic research has explored Bono as a celebrity and his political activism. Bono is widely acknowledged in the media for his work championing humanitarian causes and lobbying key political and commercial leaders. He has received numerous awards, including a nomination for Nobel Peace Laureate, an honorary knighthood and the United Nations Ambassador of Concience Award, among many others (McCormick 2006). As Andrews et al. (2010: 186) acknowledge in their study of the work of Bono and U2, there is a ‘somewhat symbiotic relationship between the two’. Despite a significant body of academic literature relating to U2, the understanding of their events as spectacles is underdeveloped. Rock concerts and, particularly, U2 shows provide a good example of events as spectacles (Bracewell 2004; Fast 2000; Karki 2008; Morley and Somdahl-Sands 2011). The band’s live performances have been likened to a ‘Debordian spectacle’ for their ‘bombastic stage productions’ and, in the case of their 1997/1998 ‘PopMart’ tour, as a parody of consumer culture (Karki 2008: 20).

Theoretical considerations: mega-events, the spectator and the cultural industries Before examining ‘U2 360°’ as a contemporary spectacle, it is important to consider theories of the spectacle and the culture industries in more depth. Contemporary rock concerts such as ‘U2 360°’ are a product of the culture industries. Adorno and Horkheimer (1997: 121) coined the term ‘culture industry’ to refer to the system of production and distribution of cultural commodities as part of a capitalist economy. Their critique argues that popular music as part of the capitalist system of commodity production is standardized and has no use other than to be consumed. Consequently, art has become entertainment for the masses and is reproduced for commercial gain rather than for its artistic value. Shuker (2008: 16) suggests Adorno and Horkheimer’s critique of popular culture remains an important influence in the analysis of rock music. Other authors (Frith 1978; Shuker 2008) refer to Adorno and Horkheimer’s seminal work and, within their discussions, often highlight the distinction between rock and pop that reflects the art and commerce dichotomy. Shuker (2008: 16) points out that Adorno and Horkheimer’s critique ‘ignored the rock and roll era’. Furthermore, Frith (1978) suggests that Adorno and Horkheimer’s work does not recognize ways in which individuals use popular music and assumes, rather than investigates, the ‘passivity’ of the audience. This chapter examines the idea of rock music

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as part of a capitalist system of production and, on the one hand, forms a mass cultural product that is consumed by mass audiences; on the other, spectacles such as ‘U2 360°’, through their affective power, the meaning the event presents to audiences and their political content, offer active, engaging and rebellious experiences (Grossberg 1984). It is equally important to understand the notion of spectacle. The study of spectacle, events as spectacles and the process of spectacularization, i.e. how and why an event becomes a spectacle, is underdeveloped. Several authors have discussed the genre of spectacle in the context of a range of events, for example mega-events such as World Expos, the Olympic Games, and the Soccer World Cup (Roche 2000; MacAloon 1984; Horne and Manzenreiter 2006; Gold and Gold 2005; Tomlinson 2002), festivals and carnivals as urban spectacle, (Gotham 2005), spectacle in a theatrical context (Beeman 1993) and the dominance and resistance of spectacle in relationship to shock music events (Bettez-Hanlon 2004). In addition, Real (1975) identifies what he describes as the ‘mythic spectacle’, referring to the American Superbowl and acknowledging its potential as a spectacle for promoting the collective celebration of American ideology. Real’s (1975) work suggests the spectacle encompasses more than entertainment and acknowledges that spectacle can operate on a political level as a vehicle for propaganda, and politically motivated public relations. MacAloon (1984: 243), in his work on the Olympic Games, defines spectacle as ‘a specially prepared or arranged display of a more or less public nature (especially one on a large scale), forming an impressive or interesting show or entertainment for those viewing it’. Manning (1992: 292) views spectacle as ‘a large scale, extravagant cultural production that is replete with striking visual imagery and dramatic action that is watched by a mass audience’. Tomlinson (2002: 58) discusses the ‘janus-faced’ nature of spectacle. In one sense, a spectacle is something to be viewed, gazed upon, and in another, the term focuses on the individual, as in ‘making a spectacle of oneself ’, referring to people appearing as fools. Most definitions consider the spectator in a passive role, watching, gazing upon, viewing and consuming the spectacle. However, Kennedy (2009: 25) suggests that audiences assist in the production of the spectacle, and that the role of the spectator ‘ … is not a stable condition but a process of negotiation among the self of the spectator, the other of performance, and a third order, the indistinct but powerful police force of the gathering’. Kennedy’s (2009) claim that audiences participate in the production of spectacle suggests that the spectacle provides more than a passive experience and, as such, a more in-depth understanding of the role of audiences in production of spectacle is required. U2’s 360° tour offers an excellent opportunity to explore the notion of spectacle in the context of rock music events and the role of the spectator in the creation of a show. Acknowledging the importance of the role of the audience within the spectacle, MacAloon (1984: 243) has developed what he claims is the first

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attempt to categorize the distinctive characteristics of spectacle. Spectacles are visual and symbolic, must be significant in terms of scale, involve actors and audiences or performers and spectators and require action, movement and excitement. Tomlinson (2002: 51) argues that ‘despite MacAloon’s sophisticated classification, the term spectacle continues to have a distinct nuance and character in contemporary commentary, calling attention to the constructedness of the event and its framing of it for the mass audience’. Most contemporary discussions of the spectacle refer to the work of Debord (1994), who argues in his seminal book on the Society of the Spectacle that capitalist production has reached the point where the whole of society has become a spectacle. Spectacle is ‘capital accumulated to the point where it becomes an image’ of society (Debord 1994: 34). Debord (1994) contends that the domination of media images and consumer society over the individual obscures the nature and effects of capitalism (Gotham and Krier 2008: 157). Debord’s claim will be discussed in order to help understand whether spectators of the ‘U2 360°’ concerts are complicit in the production of the spectacle or are passive recipients of entertainment as part of a capitalist system of cultural production. Debord (1994: 12) suggests that the world of the spectacle converts direct lived experience into an excessive array of images where individuals define themselves in terms of identities and social relations through the consumption of these images. According to Debord (1994), the quality of life within the spectacle is impoverished as individuals passively absorb the spectacles of consumer society. Best and Kellner (2007: 89) recognize that Debord called for a new form of revolution, one in which individuals ‘create their own passionate existential events, fully participating in the production of everyday life, their own individuality and ultimately a new society’. However, in his later work, Comments on the Society of the Spectacle (1998), Debord suggests that resistance to the dominance of the spectacle is futile. Despite Debord’s work being the most extensive theory of spectacle, it is criticized as being prone to sweeping generalizations, ‘cheap wisdom’ and lacking in empirical evidence (Gotham and Krier 2008: 159; MacAloon 1984; Tomlinson 2002). Tomlinson (2002: 55) suggests that there are four key problems with Debord’s account of the spectacle. First, Debord appears to disregard the role of human agency within the spectacle. Second, Tomlinson claims Debord’s work, as an interpretive framework, cannot accommodate the ways in which the spectacle is staged, constructed and is influenced by socio-economic, cultural and political forces. Gotham and Krier (2008) also acknowledge there is a need to understand how and why specific types of spectacle are produced. Third, Debord’s concept of spectacle appears to be sociologically incomplete as it considers spectacle only in the commodity form and does not recognize that spectacle operates on a variety of cultural levels. U2’s concerts, as well as providing entertainment for their fans, promote a number of social and political causes, raising awareness and calling for action in response to the political and social causes they promote (Bracewell 2004). Finally,

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Tomlinson (2002: 55) suggests that Debord’s concept offers a negative world view and fails to acknowledge any positive aspect of pleasure or fun in engaging in spectacle as part of consumer culture. In contrast to Debord, Gotham and Krier (2008: 178) assert that spectacles are ‘plural and multidimensional’, there are different forms (political, economic, cultural), different types (world fairs, sports, tourist-orientated celebrations, media spectacles and so on) and different technologies (theming, simulation, virtual reality) of spectacle. Gotham and Krier (2008: 179) also suggest that, in order to provide a critical theory of the spectacle, empirical investigation into specific types of spectacle is required and that it is necessary to ‘explore the lived consumer experience and the role of human agents in the shaping of meanings and representations of different spectacles’. Furthermore, they highlight that in developing a critical theory of the spectacle it is important to consider the macro and micro levels and to understand the role of governments, economic elites and private interests in producing spectacles. Finally, they suggest that it is important to understand how people use and consume spectacles to challenge identity categories and to make sense of the role of the human agent within the spectacle. So far, this chapter has examined the background of U2 and their most recent tour, and provided a critical summary of the concept of spectacle, which has identified a number of gaps in the existing knowledge concerning the spectacle and rock music events as spectacle. One of the most important and contested issues in this context is the role of agency within the production of the spectacle, to which this chapter now turns.

The power and political dynamics of U2’s 360° spectacle In order to identify and examine critically the power relations and political issues associated with ‘U2 360°’, the relationship between cultural industries and audiences has to be investigated. That needs to include a critical analysis of the relationship between the music and audiences. Subsequently, aspects of U2’s 360° show as a spectacle will be critically evaluated. Power relations and political conflicts associated with U2’s most recent tour exist and operate on several levels. First, the socio-economic context in which an event such as ‘U2 360°’ is produced needs to be examined. Storey (1996: 98) discusses the complex power structures of the cultural industries, arguing that the music industry’s success is based on its ‘ability to respond to active rather than passive consumption’. In other words, the cultural industries only invest in and develop products that consumers will buy. As suggested previously, rock music concerts are cultural events and, as such, are produced by the culture industries. ‘U2 360°’ was developed and promoted by Live Nation Global Touring (Billboard 2011). In 2008, U2 entered into a 12-year ‘360°’ deal with Live Nation Artists, which gave exclusive rights to U2’s touring, merchandise and website (Billboard 2012). In contrast to other similar arrangements between artists and Live Nation, U2 retained a high

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degree of control through keeping their publishing rights and existing contract with Universal Music to release their music (Billboard 2012). Under the agreement with Live Nation, the production, promotion and merchandise rights for the tour were the responsibility of Live Nation Global Touring, a division of Live Nation (Billboard 2012). In 2010, Live Nation joined forces with the international ticketing company Ticketmaster, providing it with a dominant share of the global touring and ticketing industries (Billboard, 2012). This merger was criticized by an Amercian democratic senator for giving a ‘giant new entity unrivalled power over concert-goers and the prices they pay to see their favourite artists and bands’ (The Guardian 2009). In this complex arrangement, the owners, executives and other powerbrokers of the cultural industries determine the content, timing and conditions of the cultural product available to audiences (Hesmondhalgh 2007). However, Cogan (2006) argues that U2 hold a unique position in the music industry as they have control over their artistic elements. Storey (1996: 99) adds that although the music industry decides what is produced, it cannot control how the music is enjoyed and the meaning given to it by the users. Grossberg (1984: 52–3) suggests that texts have ‘different uses for different people in different contexts’, and the ways in which texts are interpreted and used influence how people make sense of themselves and their worlds. ‘U2 360°’ offers its audiences ways of engaging in more than a passive manner through opportunities to participate in the event; that is, their music and concerts help their fans to form and shape identities (Cogan 2006). Cogan also argues that the band are important musically, culturally and socially to their fans and that the latter construct their identies in a number of ways. U2’s followers identify with the image of the band, which, according to Cogan (2006: 209), is unique in terms of the success and longevity of the brand. Identity amongst the fan community is transnational in the sense that although U2 originate from Ireland, their fans see themselves as belonging to the same group or ‘tribe’ regardless of their different national origins. They tend to share common social and political beliefs and meanings associated with the band. Cogan (2006) also recognizes that fan identities are partly built upon U2’s songs and depend on their interpretation and emotional impact, but what precisely is the relationship between identity, power and politics in the context of ‘U2 360°’? Many songs performed within ‘U2 360°’ contained texts with explicitly political and social messages. Of these, Sunday Bloody Sunday, written in protest against the cycle of violence in Northern Ireland during ‘The Troubles’, is arguably the most overtly political (Stokes 2009). Storey (1996: 110) explains that during U2’s 1985 tour of America, Bono had to repeatedly explain that the song was not in support of the Irish Republic Army but, despite this, local audiences claimed it for the American version of the Irish revolution and as ‘political pop’. The images accompanying the song during the ‘U2 360°’ show had a Middle Eastern theme, with a female dressed in a burqa and Arabic text surrounding her. The introduction to the song included a backdrop of a

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female Middle Eastern vocal chant (U2.com 2010). During the prelude to the song in the 2009 Rose Bowl performance, Bono is thrown an American flag and asks ‘can you hear us Iran, Radio Tehran, this is the United States, calling all who love freedom, all who love freedom and those who don’t, we’re speaking to you can you hear us?’. Apparently, this was a reference to the tense relationship between the United States and Iran over its supposed nuclear programme and human rights violations. The message of Sunday Bloody Sunday intended to highlight this conflict. Cogan (2006) argues that U2 fans are influenced by these socio-political messages. Her research revealed that fans’ perceptions and awareness of some of the issues, such as the Northern Ireland conflict, were raised as a result of attending U2 concerts. Morley and Somdhal-Sands’s (2011) research into U2’s 2001 ‘Elevation’ and 2005 ‘Vertigo’ shows provides some interesting insights into U2’s concerts that support Cogan’s argument. They suggest that the band actively engage the audience in their favoured social and political issues. Their survey revealed that some of the concert attendees viewed aspects of the world differently following their participation in the concerts where, through the music and visual spectacle, certain topical and contested world issues had been raised. Similarly, Cogan’s (2006: 234) research revealed that U2, through their music and concerts, influence their fans’ views of the ‘political world’ and the activities they engage in, such as supporting Amnesty International and Greenpeace. Her research provides a valuable insight into the potential of rock music events as spectacles for involving audiences in political and social concerns. There is little doubt that U2’s music and concerts as contemporary spectacles offer more than simply passive entertainment. During ‘U2 360°’, the shows addressed several contemporary social and political issues, for example, Amnesty International’s support for the freedom of Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, the disappearance of Femhi Tosun whilst in the custody of Turkish authorities, the One campaign1 and the Product Red2 initiative supporting HIV AIDS treatment and poverty and debt relief in Africa. These messages were conveyed through the music and performances and appear to influence political identities and participation. They also generated various political controversies between U2, their fans, protest groups and state authorities. Mattern (1998: 25–35) argues that music, political action and power can be examined as a form of ‘acting in concert’, where communities are involved in forms of confrontational, deliberative or pragmatic political action. He suggests that the singer Sting provides an example of a pragmatic form of acting in concert. He uses his music to raise awareness of environmental and human rights issues, such as the destruction of rain forests, and to encourage action across different communities and nations. Mattern’s (1998) ideas can be applied to U2, who, similarly, use their music and concerts to promote and call for political and social change, and encourage participation in relevant organizations. Morley and Somdahl-Sands (2011: 58) argue that U2 intentionally create ‘concert experiences’ with the purpose of influencing their audience’s

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perceptions of the world beyond the boundaries of the concert arena. Their analysis examines how the band use the concert space to convey political messages. They suggest U2 offer a ‘counter hegemonic geopolitical script, one that stresses global civil society’ (2011: 59). ‘U2 360°’ shows addressed a number of political and social issues, for example, peace in the Middle East and poverty in Africa. The most widely reported form of political activism during the ‘U2 360°’ shows was the support for Aung San Suu Kyi. U2’s 2001 song ‘Walk On’ was inspired by and dedicated to her (Stokes 2009). Prior to the performance of this song, within the show, a video message from Suu Kyi was shown, where she thanked members of Amnesty International and U2’s audience for supporting her and the Burmese people. During the performance of the song, audience members were encouraged to wear masks of Suu Kyi, and to ‘lift her up’, as local members of Amnesty International walked on stage carrying peace lanterns displaying Amnesty International’s logo. During the introduction to ‘Walk On’, Bono announced the song, explained its meaning and asked the audience to send their prayers to the Burmese leader, whilst information was displayed on the stage’s circular screen explaining Suu Kyi’s plight. However, prior to the show in Moscow, The Guardian (2010) reported that the Russian authorities had detained five Amnesty International volunteers and had ordered others to remove their branded t-shirts and dismantle their temporary marquees. According to Sergei Nitkin, Director of Amnesty Russia, activists were petitioning for support for ‘prisoners of conscience’ and requesting ‘Russian authorities to investigate the murders’ of two individuals. The Amnesty volunteers were also prevented from walking onto the stage as part of the ‘Walk On’ performance in support of Aung San Suu Kyi. These examples highlight that U2’s political activism does not remain unchallenged but can also produce powerful reactions. While the Russian concert saw state authorities exercising their power over fans and volunteers, U2’s performance in Turkey formed part of, and was subsidized by, Istanbul’s 2010 European Capital of Culture programme with one million US dollars. In the days leading up to the concert in Istanbul, Bono met with Turkey’s Prime Minister and discussed the country’s unique position linking Europe and Asia geographically, politically, culturally and economically. The band were permitted to cross the Bosporos Bridge, normally closed to pedestrians, which provided a striking press photo opportunity for the musicians as well as Turkey’s European Minister (Today’s Zaman 2010). During the show, Bono was booed for his public support of the Turkish government. Local fans I spoke to explained that the government was not popular with many people at the time as they were trying to introduce a questionable social reform bill. Cogan (2006) acknowledges that U2 cannot always assume the support of their fans and cites various examples of how fans have voiced their concerns and exercised their power as consumers through not purchasing their records or boycotting concerts. As part of their performance in Istanbul, U2 invited Zulfu Livanelli, a local folk singer and political activist, to join them on stage. He led the audience in

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singing a local protest song, which, by their response, was clearly a pleasing and emotional moment. U2 appear to be able to provoke positive and negative reactions to their political and social concerns. However, they also exploit the power of their status as celebrities to gain certain privileges, access to and support from political leaders to further their political activism. Marshall (2001: 49) discusses the notion of celebrity power, suggesting that celebrities possess a form of social capital that allows them to engage publically in hegemonic struggles and negotiations. He argues that celebrities are constructed and maintained by a combination of the promotional activities of the cultural industries, and audiences as subordinate classes. Celebrity power is manifest within the popularity of stars who are created by the cultural industries, and ‘the audience is central in sustaining the power of any celebrity’ (Marshall 2001: 65). Marshall (2001: 51) recognizes the complexity of analysing ‘culturally formative power’. He proposes the need to consider the affective power of the celebrity invested by the cultural producers. Marshall (2001: 51) suggests that in order to understand celebrity power, it is important to investigate the ways in which celebrities impact on the meaning and experiences of the audiences. Cogan (2006) argues that U2’s celebrity status is based on their unique position as an authentic rock band, who have reinvented their image several times during their history but have preserved a core identity that is passionate about political and social justice. U2 demonstrate celebrity power in a number of ways. Their significant record sales and record-breaking attendance figures enable them to exploit their celebrity status to gain publicity for their political and social activism. The ‘U2 360°’ shows incorporated recorded video links with scientific and religious leaders, for example Commander Mark Kelly on the International Space Station and a message from the former South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu. These examples suggest that U2 are able to exercise their celebrity power in order to attract and facilitate publicity as well as the cooperation of high-profile personalities to contribute to their shows. A further example of celebrity power is evident in Bono’s political and social activism outwith U2. Bono met with several state leaders during the 360° tour (The Guardian 2010, Today’s Zaman 2010), for example Russia’s President Dmitry Medvedev and Turkey’s Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. It appears that the celebrity power of U2 and Bono operates on different levels. First, the band’s and Bono’s popularity enables them to attract record-breaking attendances at their shows. Second, U2 affect their audiences emotionally through the passion the band displays for their music and social and political causes. Third, U2 are able to gain the cooperation of and access to state authorities and leadership to further their political and social activism, facilitate their shows and at the same time secure unique promotional opportunities to promote those shows. However, Bono’s outspoken and high-profile political activism does not always have the support of his colleagues and fans. In 2002, he met with the former American President George W. Bush as part of his work with the One

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campaign to convince world leaders to commit to providing additional economic support for fighting AIDS and poverty in Africa. Bono was criticized by fans and band members for this meeting with Bush due to his questionable reputation (McCormick 2006). On the one hand, U2 and Bono support and exploit political causes as part of the spectacle; on the other, Bono has been criticized for his actions that caused conflicts within the band and with U2 fans. Another way in which the audience was empowered to contribute to the spectacle of the ‘U2 360°’ shows included the opportunity to post messages to U2’s website, with the possibility of them being displayed on the stage’s circular screen. Fans were asked to send three questions; a U2, a personal and a philosophical question. Messages included, ‘Is conflict inevitable?’ ‘Is there a time for asking questions?’, ‘What is it like to rule the world?’. In addition to text, fans were able to submit audio files to the U2 website, some of which were played as part of the show. Other fans chose to bring flags, pictures and banners to the concerts, displaying messages representing their love of U2, their home town, how many concerts they had attended and various requests for the band to play certain songs. These examples demonstrate some of the ways in which fans were empowered to participate in creating the spectacle. A further example of power relationships within ‘U2 360°’ exists within the ticketing arrangements for the shows. Of course, attendees need to make a decision to attend the concerts and, therefore, this involves exercising their power as consumers through deciding to obtain a ticket for the event. U2 announced, as part of the promotion for the tour, that a certain quota of tickets for each show would be priced at $30, thus encouraging as wide an access to the shows as possible (U2.com 2010). However, in addition to a varied pricing structure dependent on standing or seated tickets, a number of ‘Red Zone’ tickets were available at each show. These tickets were auctioned at a minimum starting bid of $150, with an undisclosed percentage of the proceeds donated to Product Red and the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria in Africa. The remaining profits went to Live Nation (ATU2.com 2009). The ‘Red Zone’ tickets entitled the purchaser to exclusive access to designated zones at the sides of the stage, built-in seating, merchandising and toilet facilities as well as priority entry to the stadium (Ticketmaster 2009). Companies supporting the Product Red inititiative have been criticized for the amounts they donate to the Global Fund compared with their advertising budget, with some suggesting that the Product Red partners support the project in order to gain additional advertising and promotional opportunities (New York Times 2008). These examples highlight a number of power and political issues. The first concerns access to ‘U2 360°’ shows. Access to key areas closest to the stage and performance areas was limited to those who could afford to bid for ‘Red Zone’ tickets. The second issue concerns the legitimacy of the corporate support for the Product Red campaign in terms of the amount of donations made through purchasing ‘Red Zone’ products and the intentions behind cooperating with the organization.

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As well as corporate support for U2 and their work, some state and local authorities gave their backing to ‘U2 360°’. The Mayor of Pittsburgh proclaimed 26 July 2011 as ‘U2 360° day’. He congratulated the band on their charity work and used this opportunity to promote Pittsburgh’s support for charitable causes through volunteerism, likening the city’s charitable work to that of U2 and Bono. This provided both the local government and the Mayor with a promotional opportunity as well as an occasion for Pittsburgh to link itself with the humanitarian work of Bono and U2. Similarly, Dublin promoted its links with the band as U2’s home city. Local businesses capitalized on the ‘U2 360°’ shows in terms of welcoming fans from all over the world and providing them with a range of U2-themed events, hospitality and guided tours of the city. However, not all Dubliners were supportive of the ‘U2 360°’. Local residents adjacent to the Croke Park stadium brought the production logistics to a halt with a road block in protest against the disruption of the three-day operation, which ran 24 hours a day to install and remove U2’s production (The Guardian 2009). Others clearly benefited from the events, selling refreshments from their front gardens. While the majority of ‘U2 360°’ events took place in cities with purposebuilt stadia, the last show of the tour was staged in an open field in Moncton, Canada. A temporary stadium had to be constructued around the stage and similar efforts were made to maximize the economic benefits from the event, with local businesses and residents offering camping, car parking and hospitality facilities. The Moncton show saw two Canadian Airforce CF-18 fighter jets fly over the concert arena as part of the show prior to the band arriving on stage. This was a spectacular sight, although it somewhat contradicted their message of world peace with a militaristic display forming part of the spectacle. The final example of power and politics of ‘U2 360°’ in this chapter relates to the geographic locations the tour visited. Despite undertaking a ‘world tour’, U2 did not visit India, China or the Middle East. However, in 1997, the band supported Wei Jingsheng, an Amnesty International Prisoner of Conscience and seven-times Nobel Peace Prize nominee, who was imprisoned in China in 1979 for counter-revolutionary activities. U2 supported Jingsheng by including his name within their Pop album sleeve notes and referring to him during their PopMart tour (U2 Interference 2005). As mentioned previously, there is no official explanation from the band or their management as to why the tour did not visit India, China or the Middle East. However, with the band performing in some countries for the first time during the tour, it remains to be seen whether U2’s future tours will include these regions. In terms of power, this raises questions about access to and distribution of ‘U2 360°’ as a global mass cultural product and contemporary spectacle and why U2 only performed in certain regions of the world, and whether this was motivated by economic, political and/or cultural considerations. So what do these power conflicts and political issues reveal about ‘U2 360°’ as a contemporary spectacle? In what ways do existing theoretical frameworks help to understand ‘U2 360°’ shows?

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Media reports of ‘U2 360°’ frequently referred to the event as a spectacle. In terms of MacAloon’s (1984) characteristics, this tour is the biggest in rock music history, reaching an audience of over seven million. The visual and symbolic elements were an important ingredient in U2’s communications strategy. Audiences were encouraged to actively participate in the shows in a number of ways: first, through supporting Amnesty International’s Aung San Suu Kyi campaign and wearing masks; second, by joining the One campaign and Product Red initiative; third, by submitting their questions to form part of the visuals for the shows and; finally, enjoying the show, dancing, singing and cheering. It has been acknowledged that the concept of spectacle is complex and that the theoretical and empirical understanding of rock music events such as ‘U2 360°’ as a spectacle is underdeveloped. Rock music events are, on the one hand, products of the cultural industries and, as such, operate within a capitalist logic of production, distribution and consumption. Fans consume the music and images displayed as part of U2’s shows, which are ultimately a mass cultural product. On the other, it has been suggested that opportunities for resistance to the dominant hegemony of the cultural industries exist within the affective power of the event. The images and messages conveyed through the shows appear to influence U2 fans. According to Cogan (2006) and Morley and Somdhal-Sands (2011) U2’s shows appear to have an impact on the identities of their audiences as well as their perceptions of the world beyond the concert arena. However, empowerment appears to be limited due to clearly set parameters in the way the shows are constructed, in terms of the producer’s control over what political and social causes are promoted, the ways in which they are communicated and the opportunites to participate and engage in the spectacle.

Conclusion: contradictions and conflicts U2’s status as celebrities, and the creative control they have over their shows, appears to enable them to exploit the spectacle to further their political and social causes. However, there appear also to be several conflicting issues surrounding U2’s 360° tour as a contemporary spectacle. First, there are concerns relating to who is able to engage in the spectacle in terms of locations the tour visits and what sort of experience those who can gain access have. Second, U2 have, no doubt, earned their celebrity status and recognition due to their success as a band as well as their support for humanitarian causes. However, it has been suggested that there are conflicting agendas and tensions between U2 as a rock band and Bono as a celebrity diplomat and political activist in the ways they wish to exploit the opportunities of the spectacle. The band generates positive and negative responses to their actions amongst fans and critics. In particular, Bono seems to create conflict amongst the band as well as their fans, through the political leaders with whom he chooses to engage. Third, although ‘U2 360°’ shows were actively supported by state

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authorities, some of the political activities surrounding the spectacle were not tolerated by state powers in some locations. In addition, most cities seemed to welcome the shows, which provided economic benefits for businesses and residents, whilst the tour avoided some countries and regions altogether. In some cases, the shows created conflict with the local community. Although rock music events such as ‘U2 360°’ are produced, distributed and consumed as a mass cultural product, these events seem to offer more than income-generating opportunities and passive entertainment. They also allow audiences to participate in the spectacle and interpret the social and political causes communicated through the music and visual aspects of the shows. Audiences are able to contribute to the creation of the spectacle through various activities as part of the show. However, this empowerment appears to be limited in the ways the spectacle is staged and produced. This chapter has examined some of the theoretical cornerstones for understanding a rock concert as a contemporary spectacle and has provided a critical evaluation of the politics of ‘U2 360°’. Consequently, several key conclusions can be drawn. First, although MacAloon’s work focuses on the Olympic Games, it also appears to be useful in the context of rock concerts. Second, in contrast to Debord’s notion of society as spectacle, events such as ‘U2 360°’ are not superficial, passive experiences. Instead, audiences help to create and actively participate in the spectacle. Third, contrary to Adorno and Horkheimer’s understanding of popular culture, and although ‘U2 360°’ is a product of the culture industries, the shows offer more than a standardized commodity to be consumed as they also create emancipatory opportunities. However, audience participation was restricted by clearly set parameters established by the producers of the shows. At the same time, the tour generated £450 million and contributed to U2’s combined fortune of over half a billion pounds.

Notes 1 ‘One’ campaigns to fight extreme poverty and preventable disease, particularly in Africa, by raising awareness and pressuring political leaders to make policy changes and support initiatives to combat disease and poverty (One 2012). 2 The ‘Product Red’ initiative raises funds for HIV/AIDS programmes in Africa through the sales of a variety of commercial products (Product Red 2012).

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Index

activism 94, 176, 182–3 agency 25, 27, 109, 161–3, 178–9 agenda: domestic 15, 26, 147, 155; international 15, 147, 155; nationalist 23 agrarian 35, 41 Americanization 24, 69, 73, 80–1 animal rights 46, 127, 135, 138, 140 Antonisch, Marco 40, 44, 48 Arirang Festival 26, 143, 147, 149–55 audience 9–10, 27, 46, 68–9, 73, 120, 127, 129, 138, 159–60, 163, 174–84, 186–7 Axis of Evil 144–5 Azerbaijan 9–10 Bahrain 9, 20 base load 107, 109, 111, 113, 120 betting 126–7, 130–2, 138–40 Bono 176, 180–6 bookmakers 126, 130–2, 137–40 breeding 127–9, 132–3, 140 British Horseracing Authority (BHA) 127, 134, 136–40 bullfighting 19, 46 capitalism 15, 67, 70–1, 73–4, 76, 80–1, 148, 159–61, 178 capitalist production 144, 161, 178 Cassidy, Rebecca 134 Catalonia 19, 34, 39, 44–7 celebration 6, 10, 19, 23, 33–6, 40–3, 46–8, 58–60, 75, 89, 94, 97–8, 129, 143–7, 154–5 celebrity power 183 China 6–8, 16, 20, 67, 69, 77–81, 133, 142, 144, 150, 166, 176, 185 Cold War 6, 16–17, 39, 76–7, 144, 146

collectivism 26, 76, 155 colonization 69, 73 commercialization 85, 90, 92, 97 commodity 161–2, 171, 176, 178, 187 community 7, 10, 16, 25, 36, 40–3, 48, 53–4, 56–8, 60, 62–4, 78, 90–4, 98–100, 106–7,109–10, 114, 118–19, 148–9, 155, 180, 187 connection 35, 41, 44, 48, 89, 128, 134 consumption 73–4, 81, 160–4, 172, 178–9, 186 Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) 116, 120 Cuba 6, 16, 27, 145, 168–71 Cuban baseball 27, 167–9 cultural industries 76, 175–6, 179–80, 183, 186 Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) 26, 144–5, 154 democracy 6, 10, 73–5 Diamond Jubilee Celebrations of Queen Elizabeth II 10, 19, 129 diplomacy 7, 16, 79 discrimination 21, 87 domestic policy 26, 69, 145, 155 East Germany 17, 153 etiquette 21, 25, 137 Euro 2012 10–12, 20 European Union (EU) 11, 39, 77 Expos: 1851 London 67, 69; 1886 London 71; 1894 Antwerp 72; 1896 Berlin 78; 1900 Paris 73; 1904 St Louis 72; 1924 Wembley 70; 1933 Chicago 73; 1939 New York 74, 81; 1951 London 10, 81; 1958 Brussels 76; 1967 Montreal 76;

192

Index

1970 Osaka 76; 1982 Knoxville 77; 1984 Louisana 77; 1992 Seville 67, 77; 1993 Daejon 77; 2010 Shanghai 7, 67, 78, 80; 2012 Yeosu 78 fans 12, 17–18, 137, 158, 175, 178, 180–6 Federacion Cubana de Beisbol Aficionado (FCBA) 167 Federacion Internacional de Beisbol Amateur (FIBA) 164–5 Federation of Gay Games (FGG) 24, 85–8, 90, 92–3, 96–9 fetishism 161–2, 171 foreign policy 7, 15–17, 26–7, 55, 70, 72, 143, 155, 162 Formula 1 20 Fox, Kate 137–8 gambling addiction 138 gay: community 91, 94; liberation 86, 95, 98; Pride 7, 88, 96–7 Gay Games: 1982, 1986 San Francisco 24, 85–6, 87, 88, 90–1; 1990 Vancouver 87, 88–90, 92; 1994 New York 87, 88–92; 1998 Amsterdam 87, 88–92; 2002 Sydney 87, 89–93; 2006 Chicago 87, 89, 91–3; 2010 Cologne 38, 87, 89, 91–2, 95; 2014 Cleveland 87, 90–3, 95–6 gender 63, 87–8, 94–7, 131–2 geopolitics 142–4 German Turnen 54, 56–7, 59–61 German Turnfest 58–62 Germany 6, 18, 21, 23–4, 53, 55–7, 59–62, 71, 77–9 global sport 12, 26–7, 91–3, 98, 152, 158–62, 166 globalism 37, 39 globalization 23–5, 33–4, 37, 44, 47–8, 69, 78, 80, 155, 159–63, 165 globalization of baseball 159, 162 globalization of sport 163 governmental policies 3 Gramsci, Antonio 7 Grand National 36, 127, 136 grassroots 50, 85, 97, 164–5, 171 GutsMuths, Johann Christoph Friedrich 55 gymnastics festival 23, 53–4, 57–64 gymnastics movement 54–5, 58–60, 63–4 hallmark 87, 99–100, 155 hedonism 15, 24

hegemonic masculinity 86, 99 hegemony 43, 45, 152, 171, 182–3 homophobia 7, 87, 92, 97–8, 100 horseracing: economic value 126; history 129, 140; media 126–7, 134; socio-cultural 25, 127, 139 human rights 6, 8–9, 11–13, 20, 87, 93, 97, 181 identity: city identity 92; gay identity 94, 97–8, 100; national identity 10, 39, 46, 53–5, 58, 61, 63–4, 145; regional identity 23, 34, 40–1, 44, 47–8; social identity 98 ideology 14–6, 86, 151, 159, 161, 177 impacts: economic 87, 99; human 78; long-term 8; political 15; social 20, 99 imperialism 24, 69, 73, 80, 162 inclusion 22, 87, 94, 96, 111, 148, 167, 169 International Baseball Federation (IBAF) 164–5, 167–71 International Baseball Federation (IBF) 164 international exhibitions see Expos International Olympic Committee (IOC) 12–13, 16, 25–7, 78–9, 89, 97, 105–7, 109–12, 119, 121, 165–9 international recognition 15–16, 26, 153 international relations 81, 142 Jahn, Friedrich Ludwig 56–61 Japan 62, 76–7, 107, 133, 145, 158, 167, 171, 176 Japanese baseball 163, 166–7 Japanese Players Association (JPA) 167 jockeys 26, 126–9, 131–2, 134–6, 139 Juche policy 26, 150, 152, 155 Kim Il-sung 143–6, 149, 152 Kim Jong-il 145–6, 149–52 Kim Jong-un 145–6 Korean Professional League 167 Korean War 142, 144, 146 Lasswell, Harold 4 legacy investment 108 legitimacy 6, 85, 90, 95, 99, 167–8, 184 lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) 7, 24, 85–8, 90–5, 97–100 liberalism 70, 73, 76, 163 Ling, Per Henrik 56, 62 Live Nation 175, 179–80, 184

Index mainstream: corporations 91–2; news 88; sport 24, 86, 90, 94–6, 98–9 Major League Baseball (MLB) 162–3, 165–8, 172 Major League Baseball Players Association (MLBPA) 166, 168, 171 Mann, Michael 5 Marx, Karl 4, 14–16 mass culture 75 mass display 61–2 mass participation 23, 64 mass performances 148 May Day 6, 35, 37, 149 media coverage 3, 10, 12, 68, 87, 127 mission of Gay Games 87, 95, 97 modernity 8, 70, 81 modernization 23, 150, 155 Moscow 11, 17, 22, 148–9, 175, 182 National Basketball Association (NBA) 163–4 national days 35 nationalism 19, 37–9, 45–7, 58, 143, 150, 153–4 natural environment 41 Nazi Olympics see Olympic Games: 1936 Berlin New Economic Order Sport (NEOsport) 160–1, 171 New Economic Order Baseball (NEObaseball) 171–2 Nippon Professional Baseball (NPB) 165, 166–7 norms and values 6–7, 14–15, 164 Notting Hill Carnival 7, 37, 43 Nye, Joseph S. 6 Olympic: boycotts 8, 13, 17, 20; Delivery Agency (ODA) 109; Family 110–13, 121; lanes 110–21; Route Network (ORN) 25, 110–13, 116–17, 119–21 Olympic Games: 1936 Berlin 16–17; 1956 Melbourne 17; 1980 Moscow 11, 17; 1984 Los Angeles 17, 105, 165; 1988 Seoul 77; 1996 Atlanta 25, 92, 107, 109–10, 114; 2008 Beijing 7–8, 20, 79, 80, 108, 110; 2012 London 12–13, 20, 25, 105–7, 111, 113–14, 116, 118, 120–1 Olympics 7, 11–13, 16–7, 20, 22, 25, 45, 77, 80, 86–90, 92, 94–7, 99, 105–6,

193

110–11, 113–16, 118–22, 148, 163, 166, 171 Outgames 93, 99 ownership of racehorses 25, 126, 129, 133–4, 139 Paasi, Anssi 40, 44, 47–8 participation 6, 10, 15, 27, 36, 63–4, 77, 87, 93, 96, 100, 133, 151, 158–9, 167–70, 181, 187 passive entertainment 181, 187 physical culture 12, 22, 26, 55, 59–61, 148–9, 152–4 Poland 11–12, 20, 55, 62 political economy 9, 13, 69 political protest 7–8, 17, 24 power relations 3–5, 22, 24, 27, 72–3, 77–8, 81, 161–2, 174–5, 179, 184 propaganda 10, 15–17, 26, 70, 73, 80, 142, 148, 151, 155, 177 protest 7–9, 17, 19–20, 24, 135, 169, 180–1, 183, 185 Pyongyang 14, 16, 145–7, 149, 151 public discourse 10, 26, 154 queer (theory) 85, 94–7, 99 racecourses: enclosures 21, 130–2, 135, 137; spatial arrangements 26, 130 racehorse syndicates 126, 133–4, 139 regionalism 23, 33, 37–40, 44–5 Republic of Korea see South Korea resistance 7–8, 17, 20, 44, 81, 177–8, 186 reunification 26, 142, 146, 150, 153–5 revitalization of traditions 23 risk 20, 92–3, 105–6, 113, 136, 167, 171 ritual 25, 33, 35–6, 38, 41–2, 47, 54, 60, 62–4, 131–2, 147 rivalry 33, 133, 138, 140 Roche’s events typology 87 rock music 27, 174–7, 179, 181, 186–7 royal patronage 129 Russell, Bertrand 4–5 Selig, Bud 167–8, 170 sense of place 40–1 sexism 19 sexuality 20, 85–6, 88, 93–5 Slet 61–2 Soccer World Cup: 2006 Germany 18 social class 5, 128, 130, 134, 139 social relations 4, 41, 44, 159, 178

194

Index

socialism 76, 155 soft power 6–7, 12, 16 Sokol movement 54, 57, 61–2 Songun principle 26, 145, 150, 152, 155–6, 170–2 South Korea 77–8, 142–6 Soviet Union 11, 16–17, 21, 75–6, 81, 113, 144, 148–9 spectacle 3, 8–12, 14–15, 22, 26–7, 42, 91, 126–7, 130, 137, 139, 142, 150–5, 158–64, 166–7, 170–2, 174–9, 181, 184–7 spectacularization 138, 177 spectators 21, 25–7, 59, 63, 90–1, 106–7, 114, 149, 152, 155, 159–60, 174, 178 sponsorship 13, 90–2, 107, 109, 134 sport–culture clash 24, 85, 88, 90 stakeholders 3, 8, 14, 25, 43, 92, 107, 109, 126, 134–6, 159 Stalin, Joseph 21–2, 148–9 state 3, 5–6, 15–17, 20, 26, 33–5, 37–9, 41, 44–7, 57, 59–60, 71, 75, 77–81, 142–8, 151–3, 159, 161, 171, 181–3, 185–7 subcultures 131, 134 Sweden 17, 23, 43, 53, 55–7, 61 Swedish gymnastics 54, 56–7, 61–2 symbol 38–9, 42, 44–7, 54, 58, 61–3, 72, 74, 96, 140, 161

territory 38, 44–5, 147 The Big Scare 109 The British Empire Exhibition 1924 see Expos: 1924 Wembley The Colonial and Indian Exhibition 1886 see Expos: 1886 London The Festival of Britain 1951 see Expos: 1951 London The Great Exhibition 1851 see Expos: 1851 London traditions 23, 35, 37, 42–3, 58, 72, 75, 140 training stables 129 Transport for London (TfL) 113 transport system 105–8, 118–19 Travel Demand Management (TDM) 106, 108–9, 113–14 Tyrš, Miroslav 57, 62 Ukraine 11–12, 19–20 US Treasury Department 168–9 US–Cuba politics 16, 168–70 Varynen, Raimo 39, 40 Waddell, Tom 86–8, 90 whipping 26, 127, 134, 136, 140 World Cup 2006 Germany see Soccer World Cup: 2006 Germany World Fairs see Expos