From Arsenic to DDT : a history of entomology in Western Canada

AHISTORYOF ENTOMOLOGYIN WESTERNCANADA PAULW RIEGERT

PAUL W. RIEGERT is a member of the Department of Biology at the University of

Regina. Across the prairies and west to the Pacific, man has had to fight a constant battle against insect pests. He has had to learn about these enemies, and then how to control them. This is the story of entomology in western Canada from the time of the explorers to the outbreak of the Second World War - a history of a science, but also of a war. Riegert describes the impact of insect hordes, from the mosquitoes which assaulted the Danish explorer Jens Munk on the shores of Hudson Bay in 1619, to the devastating plagues of grasshoppers of the 1930s. He tells of the experiences and contributions to entomology of early collectors and naturalists, both professional and amateur. In the face of insect threats to lives and fortunes, however, the task of the entomologist moved beyond identification and description into insect control. To suppress or eliminate certain species, quarantine and control laws were passed, chemical poisons used, predatory or parasitic species brought into action. Various agricultural and physical approaches to control were employed. Concurrently professional entomology developed, beginning with the appointment of James Fletcher as first Dominion Entomologist, through the establishment by 1914 of entomological laboratories at Agassiz, British Columbia, Treesbank, Manitoba, and Lethbridge, Alberta, to the general growth of taxonomic work in western Canada up to 1940. The author also looks at academic entomology in this period. This account of the interaction of insects and man in western Canada comprises a detailed and absorbing history suited to entomologists, natural historians, historians of science, researchers, and teachers.

Norman Criddle, dean of early western Canadian entomologists

PAUL W. RIEGERT

From Arsenicto DDT: A Historyof Entomology in WesternCanada

UNIVERSITY

OF TORONTO PRESS

Toronto Buffalo London

© University of Toronto Press 1980 Toronto Buffalo London Printed in Canada ISBN 0-8020-5499-4

Canadian

Cataloguing

in Publication

Data

Riegert, Paul W., 1923From arsenic to DDT Includes index. ISBN 0-8020-5499-4 Entomology - Canada, Western - History. Insects, Injurious and beneficial - Canada, Western - History. 3. Insect control - Canada, Western - History. I. Title. I.

2.

595.709712

c80-094408-9

TO Dr K.M. King, who, by his example, taught me diligence, honesty, and exactitude in science; the entomologists I have known, whose friendliness is unexcelled; the insects, our worthy adversaries

Contents

FOREWORD by PREFACE xi

Dr John H. Archer ix

Introduction 3 Part I Early encounters I Explorers versus insects 7 2 Settlers versus insects 23 3 Collectors and naturalists 41 Part II The first professionals 4 James Fletcher, Dominion Entomologist 59 5 The North-West (Canada) Entomological Society 81 6 Western expansion: Hewitt, Criddle, and Strickland 86 Part III Insects of British Columbia 7 British Columbia entomology 101 8 Eric Hearle versus mosquitoes 119 9 William Downes at Victoria 132 10 Glendenning at Agassiz 146 11 The interior 163 I 2 Indian orchards 1 84 Part IV Insects of the prairies 13 The locust: 1919-1923 195 14 The wheat stem sawfly 214

viii Contents 15 16

Return of the locust: the thirties 222 Worms 252

Part

V Specialization Pests, paralysis, and plagues 281 18 Insects of stored products 300 19 Entomology in the universities 307

17

Conclusion 20 An uneasy truce 31 5 Federal entomological officers 323

NOTES 325 A NOTE ON SOURCES 347 INDEX 349

Foreword

A wide clientele of researchers and readers will be grateful to Professor Paul Riegert for this work on the history of entomology in western Canada. The volume is written in a vigorous style, its research and scholarship softened by humour and human interest. Certainly it bears that ring of authority that knowledge of a subject brings to any recital of developments. The author is well qualified to write on entomology. He spent more than twenty years as a research scientist in Canada Agriculture Research Station at Saskatoon. He spent ten years as a professor of biology at the University of Regina and is at present head of the department. He was born in Saskatchewan and grew up in the environment of which he writes. Professor Riegert's work covers the four western provinces - certainly a sufficiently broad area to give scope for comparisons. He has gone back in history to remind the reader that early explorers, fur traders, and travellers encountered insects firsthand and wrote of their experiences with candour. Historians have not always reckoned with the influence of mosquito, black fly, and horsefly on the views held by intruders in the Great Lone Land. Professor Riegert points out that the Entomological Society of Canada was formed in 1862, five years prior to Confederation and while the north-west was still the preserve of the Hudson's Bay Company. The backward look, however, is but an introduction to the era of settlement. The opening of the prairie west to agricultural settlement and the arrival of settlers in great numbers from many foreign countries brought an immediate and direct interest in the insect life of the prairies. The settlement of river valleys in British Columbia and the development of orchards resulted in the same direct interest in insect pests there. Up to this period insects had been considered a source of irritation to man and beast alike - a fact of the country. Some visitors had found aesthetic pleasure in the variety of insect life. With the coming of the homesteaders the economic factor came to the fore. There had been locusts and grasshoppers and various other pests to destroy crops and gardens in the Red River Valley. The

x Foreword newcomers brought with them pests not native to the prairies and as the prairie land came under the plough, and as orchards bloomed in British Columbia, the factor of personal discomfort gave way to the more lasting hurt of economic loss directly caused by insects. The role played by insects in western Canada is inextricably intertwined with the fortunes of agricultural man. Some insects, quite obviously, were beneficial - the majority were not. Professor Riegert examines them as they enter the arena. He knows his history and he knows entomology. He outlines efforts made by amateurs and trained scientists to identify, study, and understand, and then to control and neutralize the harmful effects of, a great array of insect pests. This is where the book takes on an added dimension. Professor Riegert writes of campaigns against harmful insects as a general might write of a campaign in difficult terrain. His war on grasshoppers reads like the battle diary of a unit of dedicated home troops. Yet he knows, and states, that dedication and technology are not of themselves the whole story. The weather in season has much to do with the success of any campaign. One cannot but respect the patient work of entomologists who spend weeks, years, gathering information on the life cycles of insect pests in order to understand methods of control and the implications of control measures. The author does full justice to the work of these dedicated scientists. He writes feelingly of the successes and disappointments of the people involved in the never-ending war with the insect armies. He writes of the aesthetic and of the economic. He is aware of the impetus given to the teaching of entomology in colleges and universities by the successes and failures recorded to date. He discusses the problem, so vital to the individual farmer, of adjusting insurance claims in fields infested with sawfly, and devastated by hail. Indeed, he brings the subject of entomology to your doorstep. This is a very good work. It is both scholarly and entertaining. It is written with a deft touch of knowledge, enlivened by humour, zestful for action. Professor Riegert writes of new technological advances, new chemical weapons, new protective measures, all developed and hurried into the fight against destructive and harmful insects. But he recognizes that the war is far from over. Insects were here long before men appeared. Insects have proven themselves to be hardy, adaptable, persistent - perhaps more hardy and adaptable than mankind. From Arsenic to DDT: A History of Entomology in Western Canada is a vigorous, balanced work, a landmark book in a field that touches on our very livelihood. JOHN H. ARCHER

President Emeritus and Professor of Western History, University of Regina

Preface

The writing of a history of a science is always a risky undertaking. If it is written by a historian there is the danger it may include too little science. Conversely, if written by a scientist there may be too little history. Because the latter situation may prevail in the present instance I decided quite early that I would simply write about insects and· man, about their encounters and the ensuing consequences. I endeavoured to permit the chronological events to hew their own paths and to grow their own truths. The resultant tale is that story: an interaction of species embarked upon a journey through time, struggling for survival and dominance. At the outset, I must warn the reader of one omission in the current work. This history purports to include reference to all insects of western Canada, except for the forest insects, which were deliberately not included. The history of the forest industry, including forest entomology, has already been prepared and written. I was shown a manuscript, in the Pacific Forest Research Station in Victoria, British Columbia, that was reported to document the history of the forest industry in Canada, but I was not given access to its contents. To avoid unnecessary duplication, the story of forest entomology, therefore, was not included here. I never once imagined that I could write a history without help or guidance. I owe any success I may have had to the many entomologists and friends who encouraged my efforts. I am especially indebted to John H. Archer of the History Department, and former President, of the University of Regina, for his suggestion that I write a history of entomology, and for his continuous and enthusiastic encouragement thereafter. I am grateful to the Canada Council for financial assistance (Grant No. S74-1514), without which I could not have travelled the distances and stayed to contact and interview so many people, or adequately searched the many libraries and archives so widely placed across Canada. My task was made easier by the unfailing and courteous help of librarians and archivists in the Public Archives and libraries in Ottawa, in the

xii Preface provincial archives and libraries, and in the universities of the four western provinces. I was almost overwhelmed by the generosity and assistance given to me by Canada Agriculture and the officials in the Research Branch. Not only was I given unlimited access to files and reports in Ottawa but I was also officiallyencouraged to do the work by Drs B. Migicovsky and E. LeRoux. To them, and to the directors of institutes and research stations in Ottawa, Winnipeg, Regina, Saskatoon, Lethbridge, Penticton, Kamloops, Vancouver, and Saanich, I am humbly thankful. I also thank the Glenbow-Alberta Institute, Calgary, for giving me access to its archival material, and Syd W. Collier Company of Toronto for providing photocopying services. Most of the photographs used in the book were made available to me through the courtesy of Canada Agriculture - its headquarters, Research Branch, and the various stations across western Canada. Special thanks are due the following individuals who assisted me in obtaining photographs or delved into private collections: Alma Criddle, R. Glendenning, Jack Gregson, Alex Harper, George Holland, K.M. King, Harold Madsen, and Edward R. Taylor. Sincere thanks are due Dagmar Stebner, Marilyn Chamberlin, Ann Wolfond, and Terry Gebert for graciously spending the long hours transcribing tapes and typing manuscripts. The mistakes, omissions, and inaccuracies in the text are mine. Lastly, I thank my wife Betty, for unfailing encouragement and sympathetic understanding during those many days when dusty manuscripts and lonely, silent libraries received the attention that was rightfully hers. This book has been published with the help of grants from the Social Science Federation of Canada, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, and from the Publications Fund of University of Toronto Press. This assistance is greatly appreciated.

FROM ARSENIC TO DDT

Introduction

Insects have been on earth much longer than man. Is it any wonder then that man should show some interest in these time-tested life forms that have withstood the rigours of climate, environmental diversity, and evolutionary change? Aristotle and Pliny wrote treatises on natural history including bees and other insects. Apart from beekeeping and silkworms no one took much interest in insects until the seventeenth century. Thomas Moffett's treatise /nsectorum sive Minimorum Animalium Theatrum appeared posthumously in 1634. The study of insects was not thought of as a wholesome occupation. When Lady Glanville's will was probated about 1700, it was contested by some of her relatives, who claimed she was insane because she had collected and studied insects. They argued that anyone who would pursue butterflies must have lost her senses. Her will was probated only when her legatees received the backing of Hans Sloane, founder of the British Museum, and John Ray, a proponent of the binomial nomenclature of living things, who convinced the judge and jury of the Exeter court that the lady indulged in the respectable science of entomology. Melitoea cinxia, the Glanville fritillary, is named in her honour.' Entomology has been treated with amused disdain and entomologists regarded as 'funny people.' As J. Alston Moffat presented it: 'Entomology is the science that gives to insects long names, short lives and a pin through the middle'. That bit of humor with its absence of correct information, its jocular misrepresentation, and its implied disparagement of the subject, reflects, fairly well, the condescending attitude assumed toward it, by the great majority of every community, who seem to regard it as the frivolous pastime of a few harmless lunatics, that might be better employed, but who are yet more to be pitied than blamed. Such being the common view of entomology entertained by the multitude, it is not surprising that so few should be found willing to turn their attention to it, either as a science, or for its economic bearing on the prosperity of the

4 Introduction community, or as a recreation. Indeed it requires a firm conviction of its value and importance in the world by those engaged in it, or the great pleasure derived from a study of it which it brings to themselves, to make them willing to endure the faintly disguised wonder and disdain they are exposed to.'

Everyone has seen a picture of an entomologist as depicted by the cartoonist. A bespectacled and dishevelled hunched-over figure is examining a pin-pierced insect under a magnifying glass, while surrounded by boxes of other pinned specimens, all in a garrett-like room of questionable ancestry; or a wild-eyed individual, clothes flapping, is racing over the countryside in hot pursuit of a little butterfly, vainly trying to enmesh it in the folds of a gigantic funnel-net. There is not much doubt that the avid collector of insects created his own image, one that bore instant recognition in the eyes of his fellow man. The Entomological Society of Canada was among the earliest of the scientific societies formed in Canada. On 26 September 1862, 10 of the 36 known devotees of the science of entomology in Canada met in the home of Henry H. Croft, a professor at the University of Toronto, to form the national Canadian society.3 None of the 36 was a 'professional' entomologist; they were theologians, military men, medical doctors, professors, geologists, bankers, pharmacists, and civil servants. Women were not among the least of these. They were 'amateurs' whose common interest in insects was their mutual bond. None represented western Canada. There were a few collectors and hobbyists east of Winnipeg in the mid-186os and it might be argued that entomology in western Canada began here. Because this is a history of entomology and not a history of entomologists, the present chronicle will follow insects rather than men - the association of insects and men, as they interacted with one another in western Canada. The reader will be led through the years of early exploration, the era of settlement of the West, the period of the amateur collector, and the expanded association of the professional entomologist. This association between man and insect has always been problematic. Has either side won or lost? What have we gained?

PART I: EARLY ENCOUNTERS

I

Explorersversus insects

The great majority of people are unaware of the diversity of life around them and usually do not consciously associate with biology, although they are part of it. Because this branch of natural science deals with all forms of life it is no small wonder that the showy flowers of plants and the larger animals took precedence in man's recognition and identification of life forms. Insects, alas, have been relegated to the last or lowest rungs of the zoological ladder. Early explorers were concerned with reaching a goal in the best way possible. When the goal was western Canada, this meant getting there in the shortest time possible. Notice of insects was taken only when they became an annoyance or a threat. One of the first points of entry into western Canada was from the western shore of Hudson Bay. Ever since Henry Hudson set foot on its ice-packed rim in 1610 others have followed in his wake. Each explorer, in turn, was met by the hostility of the land, the harshness of the weather, and the presence of biting flies. Captain Jens Munk, a Danish explorer, landed on the spit of land, near where Churchill, Manitoba, stands today, in 1619. Although he finally left there the following summer with only two crew men, the other 62 having died of scurvy, he tells of hardship and deprivation. Not only was the food supply depleted to the point where they ate roots, but insects plagued them as soon the ice began to melt: 'The summer season approaching, they were extremely pester'd with gnats, which made them hasten their departure; so that on the 16th of July they went on board their lesser ship." Almost one hundred years later, James Knight, master of the Hudson's Bay Company, York Factory, sailed into the mouth of the Churchill River and selected the Munk site as the place to build one of the most formidable fortresses in British North America, Fort Prince of Wales. He wrote: 'Tuesday 16 July [1717). In the morning we did gett up our anchor and went in ... We pitched our tents and I got my bedding ashore but was wellcom'd by such a quantity of musketos that as soon as

8 Early encounters they light or whereever they fix their sting like great wasps that we are nothings in the world but knotts and bumps our flesh is." Samuel Hearne, later governor of Fort Prince of Wales, experienced the agony of mosquito-pierced flesh on his three expeditions to find the Coppermine River and the Arctic Ocean. He was such a stoic that he never complained, except to muse and find things quite comfortable 'had it not been for the muskeetoes, which were very uncommonly numerous, and their stings almost insufferable.' He depended on the country through which he travelled for food, and respected the Chipewyan Indians for their ingenuity and perseverance under duress. Even when going out on the massacre of 'upward of twenty' Eskimos near the mouth of the Coppermine River, the Indians went near naked. He was amazed at this state of undress 'though the muskeetoes at that time were so numerous as to surpass all credibility.' 3 Hearne was to learn of a few other insects while living with the Chipewyans. ;Because his Indian guides always took their women with them, he had ample opportunity to· observe all phases. of Indian life. Matonabbee, the Indian leader who guided his third expedition, would put his 'strapping wives to work to louse their hairy deerskin shifts, the produce of which being always very considerable, he eagerly received with both hands, and licked them [the lice] in as fast and with as good a grace as any European epicure would the mites in a cheese.' 4 Hearne did not have a great liking for the lice, and especially not as food. Yet the deerskin dresses, which were hairy, usually supplied a ready store for the wearer. Indeed the chief use that is made of them [deerskins] in Winter is for the purpose of food; and really when the hair is properly taken off, and all the warbles are squeezed out, if they are well-boiled, they are far from being disagreeable. The Indians, however, never could persuade me to eat the warbles, of which some of them are remarkably fond, particularly the children. They are always eaten raw and alive, out of the skin; and are said, by those who like them, to be as fine as gooseberries. But the very idea of eating such things, exclusive of their appearance, (many of them being as large as the first joint of the little finger,) was quite sufficient to give me an unalterable disgust to such a repast; and when I acknowledge that the warbles out of the deers backs, and the domestic lice, were the only two things I ever saw my (198] companions eat, of which I could not, or did not, partake, I trust I shall not be reckoned over-delicate in my appetite. 5

Hearne would, however, eat most of the other delicacies the Indians cooked: 'The flesh of the common black bear was palatable as long as their diet was berries but before these were ripe the bears ate "May flies" [Ephemeridae] which were washed up on the lake shores. These insects were sometimes "lying in putrid masses to the depth of two or three feet.'' This diet then made bear meat unfit to eat, said Hearne.' 6 Hearne patrolled the Saskatchewan River regions in 1774. In June and

9 Explorers versus insects July the multitudes of mosquitoes made the air boil with insect activity. When one of his men, Robert Flatt, was captured by Indians, robbed, stripped bare, and turned loose, his deteriorated condition, when found, was due more to mosquito and fly attack than to lack or want of food. By the end of the eighteenth century the fur trade was booming and rivalry between trading companies was fierce. David Thompson, the intrepid official geographer and explorer of the Northwest Company, was much too involved in his travels in the northwest to take much notice of insects. However, in northern Saskatchewan in 1796, when he and his men were working their way up a small creek that emptied into the south end of Wollaston Lake, the mosquitoes buzzed around their heads in clouds. Thompson watched with amazement as deer came out of the bush to stand in the water, which served as a safer refuge than the forest from the flies attacking them. 7 These insects were simply accepted as part of living and no one thought of control, merely of avoidance, if possible. In the summer of 1800, Peter Fidler was on the Saskatchewan. Judging from the number of people named Fidler scattered across northern Saskatchewan today, Peter Fidler's zest for living was evidenced in unmistakable terms! While canoeing up the Saskatchewan on 19 August 1800, in the vicinity of present-day St Louis or Batoche he remarked in his diary: 'reached South Branch House this day ... millions of grasshoppers all from the South Branch'; further upstream, on 21 August he saw 'grasshoppers copulating and very numerous.' 8 An invaluable source on insects, Alexander Henry, came west of Lake Superior, passed through the Rainy River region in late July 1800 and entered Lake Winnipeg. On the morning of Sunday, 17 August 1800, he was camped about six miles north of the mouth of the Red River. Having risen early he went duck hunting along the shore but his appetite must have diminished very rapidly at the sight that met his eyes. 'The beach was covered with grasshoppers which had been thrown up by the waves and formed one continuous line as far as the eye could reach, in some places they lay from six to nine inches deep, and in a state of putrifaction, which occasioned a horrid stench.' 9 This was one of the earliest descriptions of the aftermath of a 'locust' outbreak, a plague that made visitations at periodic intervals throughout the ensuing years. The vast numbers of these insects were so remarkable, so awe-inspiring, that no one who witnessed a flight, or saw the ravages produced, could refrain from mentioning them in their diaries. From this point onward the grasshopper was, and remained, a part of the history of this western land. Henry proceeded up the Red River and found that this river valley had grand visitations not only from grasshoppers, but also from mosquitoes. These vicious little

10 Early encounters

pests were to keep him company all the way to 'the Forks,' where Winnipeg stands today, and further south to Pembina, just below the 49th parallel where he overwintered for several years. The mosquitoes may have been partly to blame for the many restless nights he encountered near the Red River. The 'howling of the Indians and their dogs," 0 especially when the former were fortified with the rum which Henry had provided, added to the cacophony of night sounds and prevented sleep. Alexander Henry successfully overwintered on the Red River at Pembina, but was soon overwhelmed by yet another pest: Ever since April 25th lr801] we have been plagued with wood ticks; and now that we are daily in the woods [getting timber to build a new fort] and grass, our clothes swarm with those troublesome and dangerous insects, which often get into the ear and cause inflammation. When they have time to get firm hold they cannot be removed without pulling the body from the head, which remains in the skin, and causes an itching which may last for several months. The bellies of our horses and dogs are covered with them; they adhere to the flesh until they have sucked themselves full of blood and are swelled nearly to the size ofa musket ball, when they fall off of themselves. Their natural size is about that of a grain of barley, and in shape they are perfectly flat, with a tough, hard skin, of a chestnut color. They continue to the end of July when they suddenly disappear. 11

He 'slept in the old (Chaboillez's) fort on the S. side [of the Pembina River]. Fleas and wood lice made me very uncomfortable; the former always abound in our old buildings and are very troublesome.' Even in April 1803, when Henry was demolishing some of the old cabins that had been built with poplar logs which had quickly decayed, we find his comments: 'The men began to demolish our dwelling-houses, which were built of bad wood, and to build new ones of oak. The nests of mice were found, and the swarms of fleas hopping in every direction, were astonishing.' When he journeyed to Portage la Prairie on horseback on 24 May I 803 he had to combat flood conditions of the Maraia River, the Panbian (Pembina) River, and Gratias River. There was no wood to make a fire or a smudge, but he had company: 'mosquitoes by the millions, and wood ticks." 2 Henry returned to his Pembina post where he carried on his trading for the next two years. His yearly trip back east to Kaministiquia (Fort William), via Lake Winnipeg, and his return to Pembina were always hazardous. Besides having loaded canoes he had to fight the elements, namely: 'Water extraordinarily high and continued storms, which breed an incredible number of mosquitoes, obliged to have large kettles constantly smoking in our boat to keep them away.' 13 It is difficult to visualize this incredible journey with a live fire in a birchbark canoe while shooting

I I

Explorers versus insects

rapids, portaging over inconceivably rough and primitive trails. Henry made a mask of thin dressed caribou hide wherewith h~ covered his face and head. This offered considerable protection and permitted him to be more at ease. Just what the native Indians thought of a caribou-hide-covered fur trader, or how they responded to such an apparition, must be left to the imagination of the reader. Later, in July 1806, Alexander Henry and his party again trekked to Portage la Prairie, on horseback. Henry writes: Our course from [the] Panbian [Pembina] river to this place [first day's camp] was about N.; the distance about 10 leagues. We passed a very uncomfortable night, the weather was sultry, with thunder, lightning, and rain, and the mosquitoes were intolerable. The women closed the openings of the cabins, and made a smudge inside, but to no purpose, it only made matters worse by choking us with the bitter smoke. If we covered our heads, we were suffocated with heat; ifwe remained uncovered, we were choked with smoke and mosquitoes. I, therefore, thought best to get out of doors, but was then in danger of being trampled to death by the horses, which surrounded the cabins to enjoy the smudge. When, to our great joy, daylight appeared, we instantly collected our horses, and proceeded on our journey ... The mosquitoes continued so troublesome that it was only with difficulty that we could keep our horses from throwing themselves down and rolling in the water [for all that region was flooded], to get rid of these cursed insects. 14 When they reached the swollen Assiniboine River they rafted their goods and swam naked, with their horses, to the north shore. This must have been a mosquitoes' delight, for Henry remarked 'they had their pleasure with us.' They spent a very uncomfortable night on the open plain west of where Headingly stands today. In fact, there were clouds of mosquitoes which so annoyed us that we took no supper. It was impossible to sit anywhere out of the smudge, although nearly suffocated by it, and while lying down we were in continual danger of our horses treading on us, as the night was dark, the poor beasts could not eat, and were continually crowding in the smoke ... [next day] the mosquitoes tormenting us as usual. Our horses, which had little rest last night, were almost ungovernable, tearing up the grass, throwing their forefeet over their heads to drive away the insects, and biting their sides till our legs were in danger of their teeth. In a word the poor tortured and enraged beasts often attempted to throw themselves down and roll in the water. We also suffered intolerable, being almost prevented from taking breath. 15 Delays and cost increases were commonplace. Henry had to hire, and send on ahead, people who would light smudges at proposed camping or stopping places,

l2

Early encounters

and thus drive out the mosquitoes. This made their stopover point liveable and permitted partial relaxation from endless pursuit by these insects. When the party reached Portage la Prairie, the mosquito problem abated somewhat: 'the country is more elevated and the soil, being dry and sandy, may account for the difference.' However, the common house fly seemed to take the place of the mosquito and proved almost as annoying: 'The buildings are full of them, and they make as much buzzing as mosquitoes." 6 Henry's writings also mention insects present in adjoining areas of the United States. In 1806 he travelled to the Mandan villages on the upper Missouri between present-day Williston and Minot, North Dakota. He battled with mosquitoes all the way. He commented on the habits of the Indians, especially that of nude bathing by the women: 'Some few are modest enough to conceal with one hand what should not be exposed to the public view, but even this is done so carelessly as seldom to answer the purpose - a flea or a louse, of which they have good store, will make them raise the hand to the parts attacked, leaving their nudities exposed.' Henry was not averse to writing about his own personal hygiene. When he arrived back at Moose Head Fort on the Assiniboine from the Mandan village, having been gone from his home fort of Pembina from 7 July to 9 August a 'change of linen was very acceptable, as I had worn the same shirt since leaving Panbian river, and it was not entirely free from vermin, notwithstanding daily efforts to destroy them." 7 When returning to Pembina from the Assiniboine he had to cross the flooded Cypress River. He and his party stripped off their clothes and ferried, swam, rafted, and cursed during the several trips they made getting their goods across: Every time I landed the mosquitoes plagued me insufferably, and still worse, the horse I had crossed over upon was so tormented that he broke his fetters and ran away. I was under the cruel necessity of pursing him on the plains entirely naked; fortunately I caught him and brought him back. I suffered a good deal from the sharp-pointed grass pricking my bare feet, and mosquito bites covered my body. 18

The territory was unsettled and the scene of a naked man chasing a recalcitrant horse through the shallow waters pursued by clouds of insects was wasted. In June 1807, grasshoppers arrived on the scene once more. Although agricultural production was confined to gardening, the losses were, nevertheless, severe. Henry recalled: Swarms of grasshoppers have destroyed the greater part of the vegetables in my kitchen garden - onions, cabbages, melons, cucumbers, carrots, parsnips, and beets. They had also attacked the potatoes and corn, but these were strong enough at the root to sprout again. The

13 Explorers versus insects swarms appear about the I 5th of June, generally in clouds from the S., and spread destruction; the very trees are stripped of their leaves. Grasshoppers pass northward until millions are drowned in Lake Winipio and cause a horrid stench, as I have already observed. They do not make such a formidable appearance every year. 19

In 1808, he was off to the unexplored West and the wilds of the Saskatchewan. Near Cumberland House, the 'mosquitoes [were] very numerous and troublesome.' The next year, however, he became aware of some aquatic insects, probably water striders or water boatmen, in northern Saskatchewan: 'Since the ice began to move in the Saskatchewan the thick, muddy water has swarmed with a brown insect, about the size of a bedbug, with two long legs on either side; while the ice was drifting they resorted to the beach, which was covered with them for three days. They have again taken to the water, which seems almost alive with them.' By the time he got to White Earth House in June, these insects and horse flies 'torment our horses dreadfully, and almost prevent them from feeding." 0 Most explorers and fur traders evinced little interest in insects unless they were detrimental to their personal well-being. Daniel Harmon, for example, made only brief references to insects. On 23 July 1802 he recorded an event of nature as he would have done a buffalo or caribou migration past his door. He was at Fort Alexandria on the Assiniboine River: There are at present, in this vicinity, grasshoppers, in such prodigious numbers, as I never before saw in any place. In fair weather, between eight and ten o'clock A.M., which is the only part of the day when many of them leave the ground, they are flying in such numbers, that they obscure the sun, like a light cloud passing over it. They also devour everything before them, leaving scarcely a leaf on the trees, or a blade of grass on the prairies, and our potato tops escape not their ravages. 21

Only spectacular events received mention in the explorer's or fur trader's diary. One of the more unusual observations on insect life was made by John McLean in 1836. McLean worked for the Hudson's Bay Company, and spent some time in the Peace River region: New Caldonia, however, has the advantage over the Old, of being generally well wooded, and possessed of lakes of far greater magnitude; unfortunately, however, the woods are decaying rapidly, particularly several varieties offir, which are being destroyed by an insect that preys on the bark; when the country is denuded of this ornament, and its ridges have become bald, it will present a very desolate appearance. 22

14 Early encounters Bark beetles (probably an Jps or Melanophila species) had killed some trees, and the continued attack would eventually lead to the complete destruction of the forest. McLean perhaps noticed the insects because Melanophila may have been swarming or in flight, attracted to the smoke of a campfire or a forest fire. 23 The number of beetles in such flights can be very large and it is possible that they came in contact with McLean and his party or even fell into their food. The exploits of Hudson's Bay Company employees were often laced with entomological encounters. The travels of the deputy governor, Nicholas Garry, brought him into contact with many of the marvels of nature. While travelling by canoe down Lake 'Winnipec' on 3 August 1821, he and his entourage entered the mouth of the Red River. Garry was impressed with the large number of pigeons and doves (probably passenger pigeons) so tame they hardly flew away out of the trees, and with 'an immense number of the most beautiful Butterflies of a very large Size.' The unusual and the spectacular were noticed and recorded. Further on up the river, after some ten hours of hard paddling, they arrived at a horse compound where the company maintained its freighting animals. Garry thought the horses were rather small for transporting materials to the Qu'Appelle station and elsewhere, but though they were well bred 'their Sufferings from the Mosquitoes and Sand Flies are dreadful. They were under Tents made of the skins of Buffaloes with Fires before them to smoke off the Flies." 4 Any suffering seen or felt by these early explorers was an item of interest and concern because it threatened their well-being and consequently affected their chances of survival in a strange new land. Long journeys required extensive planning especially if they led into the unknown. Contingencies had to be met, and preparations, particularly against insects, were not always comprehensive. Besides the call of the unknown there was another reason for men to go into the Canadian West - governmental directive. A direct order and an unequivocal willingness on the part of the recipient were an admirable beginning for adventure. Captain John Palliser was commissioned by the British Parliament to explore that part of British North America which lay between the Canada-us boundary and the Arctic Ocean, and between Thunder Bay and the Pacific Ocean. This was an immense territory; if his paths were not strewn with physical hardships, climatic inclemencies, or personal dangers, they were frustrated with insect problems, at least during the summer. The whole length of Palliser's journey through the Rainy River and Lake of the Woods system was fraught with biting flies. On 21 June 1857, on the river and during the many portages, 'our enjoyment was much interrupted by the myriads of musquitoes and bulldog flies which continually tormented us.' Even though the weather remained warm, by 24 June 'the musquito bites [were) more virulent than

15 Explorers versus insects usual, not only causing our hands and face to swell very much, but leaving bluish marks that in some cases did not disappear till many months afterward.' 25 Palliser was observant and he soon realized that biting flies responded to certain meteorological conditions, and their behaviour was guided by specific environmental factors. Rain may have impeded fly attacks but on 26 June 'a steady drizzling rain ... did not preserve us from the incessant attacks of the musquitoes and sandflies.' They attempted to obviate the attack by avoidance: 'Our camp was chosen on the top of this cliff [at Namiken Falls], preferring rather to sleep on the bed of hard rock than on the soft herbage, where our constant foes, could carry on their unremitting attacks.' Yet the wilderness had its pleasurable moments: 'At nightfall we reached our camping place ... elevated about six feet above its surface [of the Rainy River], and covered with a rank vegetation, from which as night drew on, clouds of fireflies issued, illuminating the bushes as they flitted through them.' 26 Nine miles south of the Assiniboine confluence his men had chosen a spot for their camp because of the abundance of grass for their horses; it was ill-chosen, however, for 'the myriads of musquitoes and flies quite prevented their [horses] feeding or resting, until we were obliged to light fires, supplied with green wood, in the dense smoke of which they instinctively sought refuge from their tormentors.' Palliser therefore wisely 'found it necessary to change our plans of early starting, as it is only between the hours of 3 and 7 a.m. that our horses can feed, when the flies ceased their attacks ... [They] rose early but in consideration of the restless night our horses had passed from the attacks of musquitoes, we breakfasted before moving off, thus giving the animals a little time to feed. [By 12 August] the flies had ceased to disturb our horses during the night, owing to frequent frost after sunset, we commenced starting early every morning." 7 Not all insects were venomous or annoying. On 23 July 1857 'a heavy thundershower fell ... since the shower, millions of insects have infested our tents. The interior of the canvass is literally black with musquitoes, and if we could preserve the many species of moths which our candles have attracted we should have a large collection." 8 It is known today that the night-flying moths, or millers, are native to the prairie region; some have become so adapted to domestic crops that they are regarded as pest species. Another present-day pest species of insect was noticed by Palliser because of its spectacular and sudden appearance on the scene. In the Pembina valley on 1 August 1857 a violent windstorm sprang up, but produced no rain: Along with this wind came what seemed at first to be a low cloud of a brownish-black color, but soon we discovered it by aid of a telescope to consist of myriads of grasshoppers. A breeze springing up from the east met this cloud, and suddenly the insects began to fall as quickly as snow. They soon covered the ground, giving everything a greyish aspect from the color of

16 Early encounters their bodies. When we started the fall of grasshoppers was still continuing though to a lesser extent, but still sufficient to cause us much discomfort from the blows they gave us on the face, as they came down with great rapidity before the wind. 29

Even after a successful buffalo hunt, when they had sliced and dried the meat, 'by nightfall, we had finished, and arranged it [the meat] on poles, with small fires around it, in order to keep off clouds of bulldog flies [blackflies], which, for the first time this season attacked our party [west of Battleford].' Although most of Palliser's entomological experiences were painful or annoying, some soothed the weary traveller and salved his psychic being. During the adventuresome trip they relaxed occasionally and watched 'the sheet lightning [as it] continued playing in the northern sky, while the fire-fly, with its feeble efforts, lit up the surrounding coppice.' 30 Henry Youle Hind, explorer, naturalist, and scientist, was commissioned to determine just what use could be made of the Great Plains. Hind had an eye for agricultural possibilities. His narrative, where it concerned insects, was restricted for the most part to those that represented the greatest hazard to crop production - the locusts. He described vividly the swarms, the devastation they caused, and their economic importance. More will be said of this in chapter 2. However, Professor Hind took notice of several other insects that had not been mentioned previously by other explorers. While travelling about 25 miles west of Portage la Prairie, his party entered the 'Bad Woods' consisting of willows, aspen, and oak: 'The aspens were much disfigured by countless numbers of caterpillars resembling those of the destructive Palmer worm.' 3 ' Undoubtedly this was the now famous, or infamous, forest tent caterpillar, Malacosoma disstria. Apparently the devastations of this insect occurred periodically, even as they do now. This may account for the infrequent mention of this forest insect pest by early explorers, many of whom may have traversed the territory in years when the population of caterpillars was very low. Hind completed his exploring expedition through the Red River, Assiniboine, and Saskatchewan regions by 1858. He was an enthusiastic advocate of a travel route across British North America and extolled the agricultural possibilities along such a route. The Americans were also very much interested in establishing a transportation route west of St Paul, Minnesota, to the Pacific northwest. It appeared feasible to connect St Paul by road with the Canadian route suggested by Hind. To verify this Colonel W.H. Noble was commissioned to lead an expedition from St Paul through Canada to the west coast. In 1859 his party followed the route from St Paul to Pembina and westward to Turtle Mountain, north to Fort Ellice, west to Fort Qu'Appelle, on to the Elbow of the Saskatchewan, and then southwestward to Waterton, over the Kootenay and Boundary Pass to Washington and Seattle. Dr Augustus J. Thibodo, a Canadian interested in adventure as well as science, was a member of that expedition. Thibodo's diary 32 informs us of many of the

17 Explorers versus insects

zoological species that he encountered. It also includes a number of comments about insects, especially the biting flies. Not only were there mosquitoes, but also along the Souris River one of the greatest torments was the biting of the horse flies. When Thibodo neared the foothills of Alberta he remarked on the many antelope but also 'saw a bumble bee, a wasp &c. the first I've seen since we passed Red River.' 33 This chance remark indicates the presence of bees and wasps of such importance today to the forage crop seed production program. Sandford Fleming was commissioned to survey the 'North West' for purposes of selecting a good site and route for a suggested transcontinental railroad. He, together with the secretary of the commission, Rev. George M. Grant, and their entourage, made their memorable 'Ocean to Ocean' trip in 1872. By the time they got under way the stories about the size and voraciousness of the biting flies had reached eastern Canada and all travellers were aware of their presence. Therefore, before Fleming and Grant left for the west, via the steamer Francis Smith for Fort William from Collingwood, they went shopping for proper clothes to wear on their trip: 'we strolled up to the town [of Collingwood] to buy suits of duck, which were said to be the only sure defence against mosquitoes of portentious size and power beyond Fort William.' 34 They went with preconceived ideas about the country and its insects: Our former ideas had been that it was a barren desert; that there was only a horse-trail, and not always that, to travel by; that the mosquitoes were as big as grasshoppers and bit through everything ... the North-West was to the average man of that day a sub-arctic region, the prey of hailstones, hostile Indians and grasshoppers, British Columbia a sea of mountains, New Ontario a barren wilderness effectually separating Eastern from Western Canada. 35

They were undoubtedly expecting an insect onslaught, or at least hoped to witness a flight of locusts. They had received rumours that the Indians were hostile and the locusts a constant plague, but such rumours were the deliberate plots of many land agents who wanted to encourage settlement to the south in Minnesota and the Dakotas. Immigrants had been informed at St Paul and 'repeatedly warned not to impoverish their families by going to a cold, locust-devoured, barren land, where there was no market and no freedom, but to settle in Minnesota.' 36 Grant found such tales groundless and remarked: 'And of the mosquitoes, and the grasshoppers or locusts, no one ever spoke of, probably because the former are no greater nuisance in Manitoba than in Minnesota or Nova Scotia, and the latter have proved a plague only two or three times in half a century.' 37 Fleming and Grant did not realize how fortunate they were to be in the Red River and Assiniboine regions in mid-summer rather than in early spring. During the latter period, especially when these rivers were at their flood stage, the mosquitoes would have given them just cause to re-evaluate their nuisance value. They were

18 Early encounters

very blase about grasshopper outbreaks. Apparently they were at the right place to miss the amassed flights that did take place that year. C.V. Riley, who headed the United States Entomological Commission of 1877, indicated that the migratory locust was present in exceptionally large numbers in Canada in l 872. 38 The entomological history of the 49th parallel surveys has a distinct flavour of its own. Everyone was aware that the border, still unfortified, was an easy one to define politically; but to demarcate the physical, geographical, position was anything but simple. The members of the United States Boundary Commission and the British Boundary Commission had to be in the field simultaneously so that their astronomers could plot the position from celestial fixes while the surveyors and engineers marked the position on the ground. Cooks, helpers, drovers, and hunters set up camps and maintained the daily routine of all personnel. The American camps had cavalry to guard and protect expedition members from hostile Indian bands, but no one bothered to consider the insects that would haunt them endlessly. The eastern portion of the boundary, from Lake of the Woods to the Rockies, was not considered to be very important because virtually no permanent habitation or settlement was in existence west of the Pembina Post along the border as late as 1875. There were a few shacks at St Joseph, some tepees at Turtle Mountain, and a few log cabins used as overwintering lodges by buffalo-hunting half-breeds at Woody Mountain. There was no cause to worry about a border that no one saw or used. On the Red River, Fort Pembina, erected by the Northwest Company and taken over by the Hudson's Bay Company in 1821, had been regarded as being on the boundary. It was abandoned in the spring of 1823. Major S.E. Long, of the Topographical Engineers, and his astronomer selected a site on the Red River, after four days of astronomical sightings and measurements, as being on the 49th parallel. They placed an oak post on the west bank of the Red River at that point, the post inscribed 'G.B.' on its north face, and 'U.S.' on its south face. Thus on 8 August 1823, the Pembina border question was apparently settled. Then a lot of 'cooks' came along to 'spoil the broth.' In 1825 Dr J.L. Tiarks questioned the location of the northwestern point of Lake of the Woods. Captain J. Pope, in 1850, doubted the accuracy of the boundary at Pembina. Captain John Palliser did likewise in 1857, as did Niebolay and others, so that the 49th parallel was jostled back and forth from 350 yards to one mile north and south of Long's Post. It was finally decided to have a joint commission investigation; this was done in 18721 4, culminating in a formal declaration in London in 1875. Reference has already been made to the many insects that annoyed the traders at Fort Pembina. Members of the boundary survey crews expected that mosquitoes would be their principal insect concern. From Lake of the Woods to Dufferin on the Red River, and westward, these pesky creatures were their constant companions.

19 Explorers versus insects

The best they could do, as was done by the members of the British Boundary Commission in British Columbia (see pp. 119-21), was to protect themselves with netting and smudges. Their animals suffered terribly as well. Since they were in contact with their American counterparts, they probably had access to one of the new and highly touted American insect control devices. Dr Elliott Coues, an assistant surgeon, naturalist, ornithologist, and medical officer of the American commission, said ofone of these controls: 'the result of repeated trials of the use of "Persian Insect Powders" as a defence against mosquitoes, the article is a perfect failure.' 39 Mosquitoes had to be endured and no man-made remedies, other than cover, fire, and smoke, were on hand. In southern Alberta, in the Milk River district, the grasshoppers had destroyed most of the grass. They had become very prevalent in 1874 and large fresh swarms wrecked havoc on the few fields planted. Some fresh swarms had also been present in 1873. In that spring the men of the boundary commission, some of whom had overwintered at bufferin, ploughed up about a hundred acres of prairie with their three-horse teams. This 'farm' was fenced with posts and rails and seeded to oats and planted with vegetables. The venture in farming was doomed because later in the year swarms of grasshoppers over-ran the fields and left them very little. G.M. Dawson, the geologist and botanist of the British Boundary Commission, detailed the exploits of the grasshoppers in the Red River Valley (see pp. 29-30). He also catalogued some of the other insects that were collected: butterflies and various species of grasshoppers and crickets. The insects were submitted to S.H. Scudder for identification. He found 15 species of butterflies, 11 species of grasshopper, and one cricket. 40 They were captured at seven locations in western Canada: Emerson and Lyleton, Manitoba; West Poplar, Roche Perce, and Supreme, Saskatchewan; Sweet Grass, Alberta; and south of Elko, British Columbia (modernday designations). The boundary survey of the western portion, from the Pacific Ocean to the mountains, was begun in 1857 but was not completed until 1862. The greatest amount of time was spent in surveying the line from the Cascades to the Rockies. Charles Wilson was the secretary to the British Boundary Commission, paymaster, and narrator. The encounters with insects were many. Wilson's greatest problem was with mosquitoes (see chapter 8), but other insects proved almost as annoying. Wilson went on a picnic one seemingly fine day, 4 August 1858. The picnic party was given by Thomas J. Skinner, later a member of the first legislative assembly of Vancouver Island. Wilson relates: 'A shower of rain came on & we had to take refuge in an Indian hut & on coming out I found myself literally covered with fleas, actually swept them off my clothes & have been in agonies ever since. The most rigid shaking of blankets & clothes & sweeping out cannot get rid of them though I manage to polish off a few every evening.' 4 '

20 Early encounters

The 'lasting effects' of this picnic appeared to be commonplace, for every native tepee or lodge had its complement of unwanted insect guests. Fleas and lice were constant companions of men and beasts and accounts of their presence have been recorded since their earliest encounters with Europeans. Buffalo were known to be infested with lice and in the great buffalo hunts some care was exercised not to kill diseased animals, for as described by Kootenai Brown, 'every part of every animal must be used unless it was diseased. Mange was the principal disease, but we frequently found buffalo with lump jaw.' 42 With lice present on buffalo and on man, it was no wonder that all became infested when contacted. At the time of the boundary survey the North-West Mounted Police made their inaugural trek westward to establish law and order. Before they set out on their march on 8 July 1874, the boundary survey had been completed for 420 miles west of the Red River. Reliable information, including insect conditions, about that portion of the country was available from captains Cameron and Anderson. Commissioner French realized, as did his men, that Dufferin was 'the worst place on the Red River for mosquitoes.' But when his men began to swap yarns with the men of the boundary survey, the latter recounted experiences such as: 'Oh mosquitoes! you have not felt any yet; just wait till you get to the Pembina River, or the Souris.' This must have been too much for the new recruits for several of them 'fell out' and quit the force. During the march the men encountered the usual thunderstorms with deluging rain and hail, but they took these in stride. Surely they must have been impressed with the tales of swarming locusts but when they actually witnessed such 'large flights of grasshoppers ... going east' on their fourth day out, they must have been awed by it all.43 Inspector Steele described the sight: While en route west from Fort Garry with new NWMP force after July 8, 1873. At the Turtle Mountains they had rain, now the hail and then sunshine ... but the pattering noise on the tents continued. This proved to be caused by the visitation of locusts, which afflicted the province of Manitoba so sorely that year. The air for the height of hundreds of yards was full of them, their wings shining in the sun, and the trees, grass, flowers, and in fact everything in sight, were covered by them. Even the paint and woodwork of the wagons, and our carbines were not free from their attacks, and our tents had to be hurriedly packed away to save them from destruction. This swarm destroyed the crops of the majority of the settlers in the province, and seed grain had to be distributed for the next season's crop. From the Turtle Mountains as far west as the extremity of the path of the locusts the grass was very scanty; the pests came with the south west wind from their breeding grounds on the great plains. Fortunately their path did not cover the country beyond the Moose Mountains. 44

21

Explorers versus insects Another insect was reported by John L. Paett, veterinary-surgeon of the force:

About three days march (about

22

August 1874) from Cripple Creek one of the horses ofB

Division was stung upon the sheath by an insect which caused enormous swelling, the animal evinced great pain upon pressure to the parts. Several other horses were attacked by this insect, causing effusion and a great amount of inflammatory action in the parts so stung. But the peculiarity of this insect, as I afterwards had a good opportunity of observing, was that it would not sting a horse in any other part of the body except the sheath. 45

W.O. Haufe suggests the flies were 'snipe flies.' These insects are 'common around the sloughs in certain parts of the rolling sandy areas of south-western Saskatchewan ... Since the NWMP were in the vicinity of Val Marie in late August, the attack occurred at a time that we have observed peak snipe fly activity.' 46 Not only were the insects a pest during their westward trek but they also continued to annoy and torment the men after they had reached their destination. At Fort McLeod the assistant surgeon, R.B. Nevitt, complained that 'the horses [were] gray with the swarms feasting on them'; while playing croquet he had 'to stop to kill at a blow 200 to 300 musquitoes.' 47 Even the log houses of the fort were not immune from insects. Nevitt relates: I retired to bed pretty early - but could not sleep after lying awake for a Jong time listening to the crawling scratching moving of some object that appeared to be near my head - either in the woodwork of my bed or in the Jogs of the building or in the roof over my head - till I could stand it no longer. I got up lighted a candle and searched for the mysterious stranger - I found him just over my head - ready to drop down on me as soon as he had annoyed me sufficiently, it was a "borin" a sort of wood worm about two inches in length of a fat greasy white colour & stupid passionate-reddish brown head - I soon got him out of that and killed him and then retired again and was soon asleep. 48

The insect Nevitt described was without doubt one of the long-horned wood borers (Cerambycidae), probably of the genus Saperda or Monochamus. Its early presence in western Canada is thus documented in the privacy of a love letter. The presence of other insects, of medical, veterinary, or household importance, appears to have been well founded. No known remedies were on hand wherewith these pests could be controlled. Most of the travellers and explorers accepted them as a necessary part of living, but all had a constant hope that the scourge could in some way be overcome. The Geological Survey of Canada had sent many expeditions into the West and accompanying these survey parties were naturalists and botanists such as G.M.

22

Early encounters

Dawson and John Macoun. The latter were well-known observers of insect life as well. Their observations included the spectacular exploits of grasshopper migrations and the mosquito multitudes. The presence of other insects appeared to be incidental but some mention is made of horse flies (Tabanidae), very numerous and troublesome in the Peace River region in 1875.49 While travelling through Pine Pass in British Columbia en route eastward to Pouce Coupe and its prairie lands in August 1879, Dawson concluded: A further circumstance giving the Peace River country and that on the upper part of the Saskatchewan, other things being equal, a value as farming land acre for acre considerably greater than that of most parts of the North-west, is the immunity of this region from visits of the devastating locust or grasshopper (Caloptenus sprctus) ... It must suffice to state here, that while long series of years may pass without the occurrence of serious invasions, these must continue always, or at least for a very long time to constitute a drawback to the whole territory lying south of a line drawn about sixty miles south of Edmonton, and thence nearly following the border of the wooded country southward and eastward to Manitoba. 50

Dawson, of course, could not foresee that with the near extinction of the buffalo the Rocky Mountain locust, Melanoplus spretus, also faded out of the picture. This species would, by the turn of the century, never again pose a threat to agricultural production on the Canadian Great Plains. Other indigenous species would, and did, replace spretus. The Peace River districts were threatened quite often, and even today, by an occasional local outbreak of several other species of grasshoppers. And the territory south and east of Edmonton, as defined by Dawson, has seen its periodic flare-ups of large numbers of grasshoppers, but that has not really deterred man from exploring and settling the Great Plains.

2

Settlersversus insects

Settlement of the Canadian West was a slow process of injecting humans into a great lone land. The fur trade stimulated the exploration of the territory and was responsible for the establishment of key habitations on the main water courses. These small settlements were the forts and 'factories' of the Hudson's Bay Company and the Northwest Company. Wherever the trading posts were established, people congregated, not as residents for the most part but as itinerants. The plains Cree and the metis were the gypsies of western Canada and sought the freedom of travel rather than the sedentary drudgery of a farmer or urban dweller. However, the fur trading companies were in business to make a profit and expenses had to be curtailed wherever possible. Each fort was instructed to cultivate some land, especially for purposes of producing kitchen vegetables for the staff and oats for their horses. As in all new territories, as more and more land was brought under cultivation greater quantities of food were being provided for the insects that had previously been existing on native vegetation. In many, if not most instances, the insects had to adapt to their new food supply and consequently damage to planted crops was non-existent initially, though it became progressively worse, A copious food supply for humans resulted in a corresponding increase in numbers of insects, an increase causing serious depredations of the crop. That such a sequence of happenings actually occurred at the trading posts is evident from the entries in journals of the factors. When vegetables were first planted the yield was good if frosts were delayed. However, after several years of gardening, the turnips, beets, onions, and radishes were damaged by maggots, the cabbages ruined by the cabbage worm, the potatoes and carrots scarred by wireworms. The most dangerous insects affecting crop production were the invading ones. These fauna were not merely confined to the 'locusts' that periodically overran the small settlements, but included the biting flies. Earlier experiences with mosquitoes

24 Early encounters

by explorers were well known. But cattle and horses, enclosed in pastures or corrals, were particularly susceptible to attack. At White Earth House, in June 1810, Alexander Henry complained, 'horse flies and mosquitoes torment our horses dreadfully and almost prevent them from feeding." The first settlement in western Canada, the Selkirk Settlement, had its share of misfortunes not the least being caused by insects. From its inception in 1812 the Scottish settlers were dogged by misfortune. They arrived too late that year to do much agricultural work and Alexander Macdonell, Lord Selkirk's appointed governor, had personally to sow some winter wheat. In 1813 some spring seeded crops grew well but an early frost caused a complete crop failure. Macdonell insisted that part of the failure was due to 'bad seed, grubs and faulty cultivation." Although crops were good in 1814, the influx of 83 new immigrants and the small plots from which to garner a harvest left only seed for 1815. In 1814 Governor Macdonell also issued a decree that no foodstuffs, including the spoils of the buffalo hunt, the pemmican, were to be exported, especially to St Paul. He further decreed that buffalo running would not be permitted near the settlement. This was too much for the metis, and spurred on by the men of the Northwest Company, Governor Macdonell was arrested and shipped east for trial while the 'bois-brules' devastated the growing crops of 1815, and drove the colonists off to seek refuge at the north end of Lake Winnipeg. They returned in late summer and harvested an ample crop. The intense bitterness between the two fur trading companies led to open war with the massacre of Governor Semple and 19 of his men at Seven Oaks, the emigration of settlers to Jack River for the winter, and no harvest for 1816. Lord Selkirk and his troops restored law and order and returned the settlers to their homes. The crops looked bounteous in 1817 until the day before harvest when killing frosts reduced all to nought except that which could be saved for seed. All seemed well in 1818. Seeding of crops was early, growth was excellent, prospects for a bumper crop were good, when lo! in the midst of all these pleasing anticipations, just as the corn was in ear, and the barley almost ripe, a cloud of grasshoppers from the west darkened the air, and fell like a heavy shower of snow on the devoted colony. This stern visitation happened in the last week of July, and late one afternoon. Next morning when the people arose, it was not to gladness, but to sorrow; all their hopes were in a moment blighted! Crops, gardens, and every green herb in the settlement had perished, with the exception of a few ears of the barley, half ripe, gleaned in the women's aprons. This sudden and unexpected disaster was more than they could bear. The unfortunate emigrants, looking up towards heaven, wept. 3

25 Settlers versus insects The disaster apparently was not quite as severe as indicated by Ross, for even though the loss of garden produce was complete, the cereals were only partly ruined. In August Macdonell informed Selkirk: I beg to say that upon the 2nd instant millions of grasshoppers invaded our crops, and eat up all our Barley and potatoes, particularly those in the woods, not a vestige of them left but all the potatoes more on the plains suffered very little injury, the Barley have been eat up everywhere, they have cut the heads of its as clean as an axe would do, and the more green the worst they have done to it. I have, however, ordered all the people to collect the Heads and more particularly those nearly ripe by which the people will have sufficiency of seeds. 4

The wheat crop was well advanced and did not suffer much damage - some food and seed were available for the following year. In 1819, circumstances and nature proved favourable but calamity again fell, not by a new flight of the pestilence of last year, but, still worse, by the countless swarms produced in the ground itself, where their larva had been deposited. As early as the latter end of June the fields were overrun by this sickening and destructive plague; nay, they were produced in masses, two, three, and in some places, near water, four inches deep. The water was poisoned with them. Along the river they were to be found in heaps, like sea-weed, and might be shovelled with a spade. It is impossible to describe, adequately, the desolation thus caused. Every vegetable substance was either eaten up or stripped to the bare stalk; the leaves of the bushes, and bark of the trees, shared the same fate; and the grain vanished as fast as it appeared above ground, leaving no hope either of 'seed to the sower, or bread to the eater'. Even fires, if kindled out of doors, were immediately extinguished by them and the decomposition of their bodies when dead, was still more offensive than their presence when alive. 5

The damage done to the crops was so extensive because the number of settlers was probably greater than the tilled land could support, and every acre of broken ground was seeded, even that which might be potentially dangerous because it harboured the eggs of grasshoppers. But seed it they had, as reported to Lord Selkirk by Macdonell: The season was remarkably favourable for crops, but unfortunately the grasshoppers of last year [I 8 I 8] left their eggs in the ground and upon its being turned up millions of them were seen. We continued our labour, however, to prepare to sow all we could. In the beginning of May the ground seemed alive with these small vermin, though not much injury was done. Upon the 12th of May we had a fine appearance, when, all of a sudden, they increased to such a number and gained such strength that all the crop above the ground was eaten up so

26 Early encounters bare, that no vestige could be seen. At this time they could not fly, but kept on the ground, feeding and eating everything before them. The people were now very much alarmed, at the same time continuing their labour in expectation of their going away when they could fly. About the middle of July they began to fly in millions in a southern direction, still leaving those that were too young to fly, and these continued to destroy everything.6 Persisting in seeding the land to cereals, knowing grasshopper eggs were in the ground, seems the height of folly. Entomological information concerning insect control was non-existent and the farming communities were left to the mercies of the locust hordes. The Red River colonists, nevertheless, continued their stubborn resistance against so many adverse factors. The bit of seed left from 1819 was planted early in 1820. All went well until 25 July. The grasshoppers flew in and destroyed the potatoes, barley, and the late-seeded wheat (the seed had been obtained by William Laidlaw from Prairie du Chien in Minnesota). The early-seeded crop produced well. Although the grasshopper infestation was high, total devastation did not follow. In 1821 the 'locust' horde returned. The devastation was not complete, probably because of the smaller sized swarms which damaged crops only in localized areas. The sudden disappearance of the grasshopper in the latter part of July 1821 may have been due to disease, as well as 'a strong northerly wind.' Simpson informed Colville that a blight may have attacked them to decimate their numbers and thus caused their sudden disappearance. In all probability the 'blight' was the wellknown fungus disease Entomophthora grylli, which has wiped out many large populations of grasshoppers in the Great Plains in the last fifty years. 7 Although some fears were expressed that the grasshoppers would be present in 1822 because some eggs may have been laid, most of the settlers were optimistic. Macdonell was ambivalent in his annual report to Lord Colville: 'I am able to inform you with certainty that the grasshoppers have left us, and there is no appearance of eggs as they have taken their flight in August without copulating, in consequence of which the people have turned up a great deal of land, so that next season will go on well.' 8 In his memorandum for the guidance of settlers, Macdonell was not quite as confident:

It is feared these animals will do much mischief this next summer, but it is to be hoped that wherever they were known to have deposited their eggs that no cultivation has been attempted. In this way many of the grubs will die and if the land is ploughed once or twice it will be in fine order for the next crop. When these animals appear from the plains, notice should be taken where they deposit their eggs that no cultivation may be attempted there the next season, and persons should be sent to different places to discover where the grasshoppers have not appeared or deposited eggs; and men and horses ought to be sent there in

27 Settlers versus insects the autumn to plough as much as possible in preparation for the followingsummer, at all events even in the spring fresh ground may be ploughed for potatoes, and if ploughed deep and the turf is well turned in, even wheat and barley may be grown enough to preserve a succession of fresh seed. It appears that Indian corn and the most forward crops escape best and it is probable that winter wheat will do still better.9 Here we have, for the first time in Canada, some sage advice for the control of grasshoppers. In fact, it may well be that the 'Grasshopper Governor' was the first economic entomologist in the West. He advised some measures of cultural control, namely deep tillage, the use of resistant varieties in seeding, and survey measures of insect detection. These control principles are still in use today. Though the Red River Settlement enjoyed a relatively peaceful existence, exempt from the ravages of grasshoppers till 1857, other insects, especially mosquitoes, were plentiful. Many of the inhabitants, always short of livestock, were prepared to embark on an agricultural endeavour if the chances of success were good. Horses had been shipped in, in the 1820s; pure bred cattle and bulls were acquired; and sheep were considered to start a wool industry. William Glen Rae, a clerk in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company, and nine others bought sheep in St Louis and in Kentucky, and started to drive the 1100 animals northward on 2 May 1833. They lost five in one day to rattlesnakes and then, north of Illinois and into the Dakotas, they herded them through speargrass. The seeds of this grass stuck in the wool, worked their way into the flesh, often with fatal results. Worst of all were the festering wounds caused by the grass needles. Blowflies and other muscids were quick to infest the wounds with maggots so that many sheep, even though sheared to prevent the initial adhering of the grass spears to the fleece, went down through weakness and trauma. All the men could do was to cut their throats and move on. 'It was a sickening experience with millions of maggots infecting the wounds and irritations created by the inescapable seeds. ' 0 Only 241 of the 1100 sheep survived the trip. They arrived at the settlement on 15 September, 1833, in a weak and emaciated condition, a sorry tribute to the devastating effects of needlegrass and blowflies. The presence of biting flies was to be expected in the settlement, but there were species present other than blow flies and mosquitoes. In 1837, Alexander Ross remarked, he invited a friend to accompany him from one end of the settlement to the other ... should he deviate ever so little from the public road, or saunter from the path, he is beset and tormented with the blood-thirsty musquetoes, rising in clouds at every step, ... In July also the horse-fly, - called in Red River, Bull-dog- are very numerous, and annoying to cattle in particular. In August, both musquetoes and bull-dogs disappear, and then the black house-

28 Early encounters fly takes their place, filling the dwelling-houseswith their swarms, till the month of October, or the cold, removes them. Picture-frames, windows, tables, victuals, are not here the only objects of attack, but the owner's face and hands suffer also; while his ears are stunned with the perpetual hum, which can only be compared to the buzz of a disturbed bee-hive. These unwelcome visitors are destructive of all peace and comfort, whether sleeping or waking, during their continuance in the colony.11 So it was, every step of the way; insects lay in wait for man to deprive him of his quiet moments, torment him to distraction, or swarm into the settlement and destroy his livelihood. He learned to live with them and accepted their presence with as much stoicism and fatalism as he could muster. What was happening on the Pacific side of western Canada? By 1824, when the Red River colony was forging ahead after the temporary set-back caused by the grasshopper invasions, the wilds of British Columbia were still largely unexplored. The waterways were known and important fur trading posts, such as Fort Kamloops, Fort George, Fort St James, Fort Okanagan, Fort Chipewyan, and others in between, were fairly well established. Men of the calibre of Simon Fraser, Alexander Mackenzie, James Finlay, and David Thompson had endured inestimable hardships to carve a commercial enterprise out of the mountainous wilderness. However, after the amalgamation of the two fur trading companies in 1821, further expansion commenced on an orderly plan. Governor Simpson was convinced that greater economy and more productive effort could be induced and ordered a retrenchment policy of decreasing imports and increasing agricultural production. He remarked: 'It has been said that Farming is no branch of the Fur Trade but I consider that every pursuit tending to lighten the Expense of the Trade is a Branch thereof.' 12 Simpson had a fort built on the Columbia and christened it 'Fort Vancouver' on 19 March 1825. At Fort Colville, near the Kettle Falls, he hoped the company would grow enough potatoes and grain to supply all the people on the Columbia. By 26 November 1826, Fort Langley was in operation on the Fraser River. The price of beaver skins was falling as the need decreased because of changing fashions, and the Americans were threatening colonization in the Pacific northwest. When in the summer of 1842 Chief Factor James Douglas chose the southern tip of Vancouver Island as the site of a new fort, he knew that the fur trading days were over and that agriculture was to replace it. By October 1843 the fort, named Victoria, was nearing completion and workmen had built crude ploughs and oak harrows so that five acres of land could be cleared and seeded by December. The Oregon Boundary Treaty of 1846 established as the line of demarcation between the United States and British North America the 49th parallel, but left Vancouver Island and the navigable Columbia in Canadian hands. By 1849 Fort Victoria was proud of the pigs raised

29 Settlers versus insects and of the fine cattle herds on the North Dairy and Uplands farms, all belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company; for as yet there was only one colonist, a 26-year old Captain Walter C. Grant.' 3 By 1853 there were 1,000 Europeans (and 30,000 Indians). By 1860, when Governor Douglas was rejoicing in a new legislative building, farming was well established at Esquimault and Victoria, coal-mining had begun at Nanaimo, lumbering was in full swing at Sooke, and fishing was carried on generally in coastal regions. Gold rush fever brought an influx of mad, scrambling humanity to the Fraser, the Thompson, the Cariboo, and the central regions of British Columbia. The colony on the west coast was firmly launched and no maddening hordes of biting flies, vermin, or forest insects could stop the progress. In the mid-185os, with surveys establishing the border, settlement occuring along the Red and Assiniboine rivers, and miners trekking west, the British and Canadian governments wanted detailed information about the Great Plains region with a view to colonization and transportation. Two expeditions were sent out in 1857. The first was the Canadian Exploring Expedition commissioned by the Canadian government and headed by S.J. Dawson, an engineer, and Henry Youle Hind, a scientist, which entered the west via the usual route of the Winnipeg River. It was instructed to study and report on the natural history, geology, climate and topography, with agriculture and colonization in mind. The second expedition, sponsored by the British government, dispatched an exploration party under the leadership of Captain John Palliser, coming into western Canada via the overland cart route from St Paul, Minnesota. It was to examine the agricultural possibilities of the Great Plains, and also to look for a pass in the southern portion of the Canadian Rockies that might be used by a transcontinental railway. The exploits of these two exploration parties are well known to most readers of Canadian history. Their experiences with insects, during the great grasshopper plague of 1857-58, bear repeating here. Dawson and Hind, coming via canoe from Fort William, experienced all the agonies and bloody attacks from biting flies that travellers in the Lake of the Woods and Rainy River territories fall heir to. Lake of the Woods contained other insect life as well! Occasionally grasshoppers were seen resting on its calm glistening surface, and as we approached Keating Island they increased in number, all of them preserving, with singular uniformity, a direction toward the south-east ... On nearing a small island about four miles east of Garden or Cornfield Island, the grasshoppers on the surface of the lake became more numerous, the green confervae [algae] was visibly less in quantity, and before we landed to dine it had disappeared altogether, but the grasshoppers were found in great numbers on the

30 Early encounters shore ... grass, not much destroyed by the grasshoppers, which had evidently only just arrived there, as was afterwards inferred, while those which had been observed scattered over the surface of the lake were probably stragglers from a vast flight of these insects, whose main body we saw subsequently on Garden Island ... The shores [of Garden Island) were covered to the depth of two or three inches with countless millions of grasshoppers, which had been washed there during the gale of the preceding night. The greater number of the grasshoppers were alive, and as the rising sun warmed and invigorated them they spread with much regularity over the field of Indian corn and the potato patches; their progress across the potato patches was like that of an invading army of insects, eating and destroying every living green thing in their way. Before we left the island they had advanced, here and there, some thirty or forty yards from the beach, in a well defined and undulating line, leaving behind them nothing but the bare and blackened stalks of the plants over which they had spread themselves and destroyed. By inclining the head, and seeking shelter from the wind under the lee of a bush, the noise of their jaws could be distinctly perceived; and had it been calm I have no doubt it would have been heard with the greatest ease for a distance of several hundred yards. The Indians had seen the grasshoppers before, but never in such alarming numbers; they appeared, however, quite indifferent to their progress, and quietly amused themselves as they squatted or lay on the ground, by jerking the intruders off their arms and legs with a thin piece of wood, bent by the fingers so as to act as a spring. 14

Hind's observations show that the vast swarms of grasshoppers that originated on the prairies were often carried by the winds many hundreds of miles east of the Red River Valley. Even in the Rainy River area the vegetation of gardens and crops were subject to periodic visitations. Further, not all the swarms encountered on the Plains were necessarily those of the migratory locust, Caloptenus = Acrydium = Melanoplus spretus. Hind insisted that those on Rainy River were of the species Jemur-rubrum, the red-legged grasshopper, that is so often very abundant in southern Manitoba, even today. In 1858 Hind was impressed with the grasshoppers during his trek westward as far as the Souris River in southern Manitoba. As he proceeded north of present-day Melita, en route to the Pipestone Creek, he noted:

The grasshoppers were very numerous, and during four days filled the air like flakes of snow; they rose simultaneously when about to take their flight, from areas of two to twenty acres in extent, first perpendicularly to the height of twelve or fourteen feet, then in a slanting direction, until they had attained an elevation of from two to three hundred feet, after which they pursued a horizontal course before the wind. In a light breeze, the noise produced by their wings was like a gentle wind stirring the leaves of a forest ...

31 Settlers versus insects On the 6th of July we arrived at Pipestone Creek, and found the country swarming with a young brood of grasshoppers, with wings about a quarter of an inch long, showing that their progenitors had arrived in the preceding autumn in time to deposit their eggs in the soil. Innumerable hosts of these insects passed overhead during the day, and on looking up through an excellent marine glass, I could see them flying like scud at an immense height. Had it not been for the thunderstorms which daily refreshed and invigorated the herbage, it is probable that our cattle would have suffered seriously from the devastations of these insects.15 Hind thus established that here in the prairie country of southwestern Manitoba the swarms could be 'home-grown.' The vast multitudes were always spoken of as originating in the 'Great Canadian Desert,' somewhere west and south of the settlements in the Red and Assiniboine river valleys. But Hind saw that many hatched in the region and contributed to the general swarms that overran the settlements to the north and east: The grasshoppers at this post had destroyed the crops last year [1857), and, at the time of our visit [July), the young brood were well advanced, their wings being about one-third of an inch long. Full grown insects from the south were flying overhead or alighting in clouds around us, so that all hopes of obtaining a crop from the garden or potato fields were abandoned for this year. 16 Further west, in the vicinity of Cutarm Creek, south of present-day Esterhazy, Hind continued to see the winged menace. 'On the 26th the vast clouds of grasshoppers, flying towards the east, passed high over our heads, without intermission, for nearly two hours. It was the last large flight I saw.' The expedition changed course and when it reached the Lumpy Hill, in the present-day Wakaw region, 'grasshoppers were seen during the day flying to the north-east. They are the first that have been observed since leaving the Fishing Lakes on the Qu' Appelle.' 'Grasshoppers were numerous on the north side of the White Sand River [just north of Mikado, Saskatchewan]. The crops at Fort Pelly had been beautiful at the beginning of the season, but were all, excepting the potato, completely devoured by the grasshoppers in July." 7 Hind's remarkable descriptions of the grasshopper outbreak of 1857-58 are the first on record to indicate the immensity of the problem facing settlers on the prairies and the whole of the Great Plains of America: The ascertained limits of this mighty army of insects in 1857 extended from the 94th to the 112th meridian, and from the 41st to the 53rd parallel; from settlements in Utah territory to near the Valley of the North Saskatchewan, and from the Lake of the Woods to the foot of the

32 Early encounters Rocky Mountains ... The extraordinary vitality of the eggs ... [the] power of sustaining long flights [are] very remarkable ... Their principal food is the prairie grass and the leaves of shrubs, but they will attack any substance presented to them, even such indigestible articles as leather, traveling bags, woollen garments, saddle girths, and harness. In a few minutes they ate the varnish from the leather case of a telescope I left on the ground in 1858, and so disfigured a valise that the owner who had seen it sound and untouched a few minutes before we stopped to camp, could not recognize it after it had lain ten minutes on the grass. Blankets became instantly covered with them and eaten into holes, the only article of clothing which did not suffer from their voracity was the caoutchouc or gutta percha cloaks and coverings ... The periodical visitations of these locusts have been enumerated among the objectionable features of parts of the Far West ... They will also exercise an important influence upon the future of the southern part of Rupert's Land ... already they have twice destroyed the crops in different parts of the [Manitoba] Settlements. 18

While Hind and his party were in the Red River Valley, north and west of Winnipeg, Palliser's exploration party was approaching from the south. The members noted the damage done to crops by the grasshoppers in Minnesota and the Dakotas; and in the Pembina Valley, on the 49th parallel, they encountered one of the many swarms of that year. Although Palliser did not record very many such encounters, his southern sojourn through the prairies probably occurred when most of the flights had ceased. It was not until 21 September that he arrived at Moose Jaw Creek, near where Moose Jaw stands today. He reported: 'The grass in this arid soil, always so scanty, was now actually swept away by the buffalo, who, assisted by the locusts, had left the country as bare as if it had been overrun by fire." 9 So, having encountered the 'locusts,' the arid climate, and the scanty vegetation, Palliser wrote off the Canadian Great Plains as unfit for settlement or agriculture. In 1864 another great onslaught of grasshoppers commenced in Manitoba: The heat of the summer of 1864 at Red River was so extreme that nobody in the settlement remembered such another ... The droughts prevailed until the middle ofJuly, when rain for the first time visited the parched ground. With it, unfortunately, arrived swarms of locusts which with terrible voracity cleared away the rising crops. The barley was first attacked, after which the leaves were stripped from the wheat, and finally the stalks of the latter were gnawed through immediately below the ear ... During the present year the partial destruction of former times has become an entire failure of crops throughout the colony, so complete that, aggravated as it has been by the unprecedented concurrence of failures in the Plains hunts [of buffalo] and lake fisheries, along with the disappearance from the woods of the generally numerous rabbits, were it not

33 Settlers versus insects for the assistance extended to the settlement, by the charitable in the civilized world, nothing short of a death-burdened famine would await the people during the current winter.

The invasion continued in 1865: The arrival in spring of vast swarms of grasshoppers proved very destructive to the tender blades of the crops as they appeared above ground. Having devoured all before them they laid their eggs in the ground and took flight. It was hoped that the peculiarly cold weather, which prevailed towards the close of May, when hail fell in large quantities, would have destroyed them; but it had no appreciable effect. On bright sunny days they might have been seen by the observer, towards noon, in clouds suggestive of multitudes such as the human comprehension fails to grasp. In cloudy weather they generally fell, and, to quote the words of the Nor' Wester, 'Woe betide the grain fields in or near which the grasshoppers come down, for they stay till they devour everything of value, generally commencing the feast with the grain crops, not even thinking buckwheat beneath their notice, then passing on to the root crops and stuffing their hungry maws with potatoes, cabbages, onions, when particularly greedy include horse radish in their bill of fare, and winding up with a 'chew' of grass and herbs. We have been told that a young man, who was out hoeing potatoes happened to leave his coat for a couple of hours, and when he returned to pick it up he found it covered with grasshoppers, who had succeeded in eating a number of big holes in it" 0

Even though the grasshoppers were numerous in the spring, 'neither the adults, nor the young of 1865 were sufficiently numerous or widespread to do much damage.' 'The harvest of 1865 was better than had been anticipated from the ravages of the grasshoppers in spring. Eventually it appeared that the mischief done by these creatures had been chiefly confined to that part of the [Red River) settlement cultivated by the Scotch farmers."' Again the settlements, or parts thereof, were at the mercy of the grasshoppers. Some farmers did not plant crops in fields known to contain grasshopper eggs, while many relied on the buffalo to supply them with the staples required to see them through the winter. Whether Providence turned a blind eye to their plight, or a deaf ear to their pleas, remains unknown. The restless Sioux took a hand and encroached upon the lands to the south of the settlement, scattering the buffalo that normally congregated and overwintered in the Dakotas. In 1866 'in some isolated spots there had ... been a partial failure, chiefly in consequence of grasshoppers, early frosts and blackbirds, which had exercised a certain adverse influence - the crops of half the parish of St. Anne's, La Prairie or the Poplars were entirely destroyed by the grasshoppers.m In 1867, according to Dawson, numerous swarms poured in, but did little injury, the crops being too far advanced'; but Hargreave says: 'The harvest of 1867, was considerably injured by

34 Early encounters the vast clouds of grasshoppers that lighted at the beginning of the harvest. Almost all the oats and barley were entirely destroyed, the wheat greatly injured. The other sources whence food is principally obtained for the subsistence of the colony gave their accustomed yield." 3 Famine became a stark reality in the autumn of 1868. The dire straits of the settlers received widespread publicity and the Council of Assiniboia granted £ 1600 sterling for relief. This was augmented by donors in eastern 'Canada' (£3600), the United States (£900), and England (£5000). The small settlements surrounding the trading posts in Saskatchewan were also invaded by grasshoppers. Walter Traill, who was in charge of Fort Qu'Appelle, had his garden well stocked with many growing vegetables. Farming was in its infancy in 1867 and the few grain fields near the Fort showed great promise of a bountiful harvest. One afternoon [reports Traill] I set out in the hope of getting an antelope. It was a bright summer day and as I rode past a field of some twelve acres of barley near the Fort I noticed that the crop was looking splendid and almost ready to harvest. Suddenly I was aware of a heavy black cloud on the western horizon which looked like an approaching storm, but the sky around me remained clear and thinking it was a prairie fire in the distance I rode on until dusk. On the way home I again passed the barley field and it was not too dark to see that it was now a blackened ruin. 'Did you have a fire?' I asked the watchman who opened the gates for me. 'The barley for our saddle horses is all burned.' 'We had no fire,' he said, 'did you not see the grasshoppers?' Then I looked around and saw them three inches deep inside the Fort. They had devoured everything in the garden except roots, stripped the trees, and had fallen in the lake until the outlet was blocked, and they were piled up on its shores in wind-rows. To prevent them from filling the Fort I had to keep half the men in double shifts carting them out in order to live. The ducks and prairie chicken ate grasshoppers until they were unfit for us to eat. Even the eggs tasted of them. The train dogs got fat and the cattle became poor for lack of grass. The whole valley looked like a burned-over prairie. They came in clouds like smoke and for twelve days the air was alive with them as high as one could see. They darkened the sun and lay an inch thick on the ground. The lakes and rivers stink with the dead ones. The frost has at last killed them and some of the vegetables they left. Farming here is all a delusion.24 In the Red River Settlement the grasshoppers continued to wreak havoc. They again appeared in 1869, the young in 1870 doing much harm. In 1872, fresh swarms arrived, but as usual, too late to do much damage to wheat. Eggs were left in abundance in the northern part of the Province, and in the following Spring the farmers over considerable

35 Settlers versus insects districts did not sow. In 1874, winged swarms again came in from the west, arriving earlier than usual, and inflicting great injury on the crops in some districts. Eggs were deposited in almost all parts of the Province.25

The grasshopper plague that had started in 1864 was still causing hardship ten years later. The plague had diminished but little in 1875 but some areas were spared the severe losses sustained the previous year. Wheat and potatoes produced an excellent harvest at Portage la Prairie and in the Red River Valley from Winnipeg to the international border. Further west immense swarms, as seen by Dawson, arrived from the south in a broad band stretching from the 98th (Morden, Manitoba) to the 108th (Val Marie, Saskatchewan) meridian, and from the Cypress Hills to the Bow River valley. The depredatory activities of the Rocky Mountain locust, described by Dawson, were confirmed by many who roamed the Great Plains in 1875. R.B. Nevitt at Fort McLeod related in July that the 'grasshoppers are beginning to get very thick ... [they] are here now and no mistake hundreds of millions of them. I can see them like dense masses in the shadows, in the distant horizon and looking up toward the sun, the air is for miles up an immense moving mass of white wings - grasshoppers sail up in clouds from the earth as one walks. Our poor garden is gone.' 26 The great invasion of 1875 was augmented by local populations that hatched and matured locally. There was an extensive invasion of the forested areas east of Manitoba by swarms of locally produced insects. Areas surrounded by, or within the confines of timberland, such as Carlton and Prince Albert, were relatively immune from invasion. Also, because of the westerly and northwesterly winds in the summer months, no grasshoppers appeared north of the North Saskatchewan River or in the Peace River district in 1875.27 Given its enormity and long-lasting nature, Canadian-American co-operation on the problem became a possibility in the mid-187os. In the United States there was a concerted move to persuade the government to appoint an 'Entomological Commission' to investigate those insects most injurious to staple food sources, particularly the Rocky Mountain locust, army-worm, chinch bug, Hessian fly, and cottonworm. Because such research would be applicable to Canada, the Canadian authorities, and in particular the Entomological Society of Ontario, 28 were strong on Canadian participation and co-operation. A bill was passed by the United States Congress and three eminent American entomologists, C.V. Riley, A.S.Packard, and Cyrus Thomas, were appointed for a five-year term to serve on the commission. They travelled over much of the United States and Riley made several trips through Canada in 1876, proceeding north as far

36 Early encounters as Edmonton, Alberta, and Fort Carlton, on the North Saskatchewan River. Much of Riley's information concerning the entomological problems of the Canadian West came from correspondents such as G.M. Dawson who was associated with the teams of the Geological Survey of Canada that toured the West. Others included the factors of the trading posts, the officials of the North-West Mounted Police in their various outposts, as well as missionaries and the occasional farmer. Their reports indicated that the plague had ended in 1876 in Manitoba, making the province safe for crop production once more. However, the locusts still persisted in Saskatchewan, especially north of the Cypress Hills to the valley of the South Saskatchewan River, and westward to Fort Macleod, where most of the crops were destroyed. Although Manitoba was relatively locust-free in 1877 the rest of the western plains region was expecting trouble. The 'locust' hatch of l 877 was almost unprecedented in most of the western region; hatchlings were present everywhere. However, unprecedented attacks by natural parasites and predators, plus 'beastly weather' which included cold and heavy rains, seemed to have successfully quelled an outbreak. Surgeon Kittson, at Fort Walsh, found that only a small brood was hatched in the hills on the highlands about a mile from the fort. They were not dense. They occupied a piece of ground about one-fourth mile in length and about I 50 yards in width. This was on the r st of August. They soon disappeared ... This year we have a small vegetable-garden, which is doing well, the number of insects that sojourned not being sufficiently great to do injury. These had their wings loaded with small red mites, a parasite very destructive to the locust. I counted as many as 21 mites on one locust, and seldom less than five. Many also contained one or two maggots (Sarcophaga carnaria). They all seemed weak on the wing, and their diseased state was probably the cause of their alighting. 29

By November 1877 it was apparent that the grasshopper plague was over. Nature had brought the outbreak to a halt by decimating the 'hoppers with egg parasites of beeffiies and red mites. Despite the decline and the near-disappearance of the grasshopper plague from western Canada by the late 1870s, the destructive power of grasshoppers was not forgotten. The United States Entomological Commission was busy with its investigations of the 'locust' problem and had received the support of the Canadian authorities. General recommendations for control were forwarded to the respective governments. Supported by such eminent authorities as G.M. Dawson, it was recommended that 'efforts be made to restrain the extensive prairie fires in autumn which are common to that region [Canada], and subsequently to burn them in the

37 Settlers versus insects spring after the hatching of the young locusts. This plan is believed to be feasible ... The Commission will also ... recommend to the Government a scheme for a system of warning and preventions, through the aid of the mounted police patrol of the Dominion Government, and our signal bureau and military posts.' 30 Their honourable intentions were theoretically sound. However, the 'locust' plague had diminished and control measures were no longer necessary. Memories of the serious consequences of grasshopper depredations started to fade from the mind of the public and from government while more immediate national and international problems came to the fore. Not the least of these was the ever present thought of colonizing the West. The greatest entomological threat to settlement had vanished with the disappearance of the grasshoppers. In the 1870s, the governments of Canada and Manitoba initiated and conducted one of the most intense drives for settlers ever undertaken. Large tracts of land, the East and West Reserves, on either side of the Red River, were set aside for exclusive colonization by Mennonites. These hardworking people came to Manitoba in spite of the adverse propaganda, and between 1874 and 1876, 1,178 families of 5,945 individuals settled on the reserves. The first crop of 1875 was taken from small plantings of poor-quality seed, but very little, if any, harvest was obtained. The grasshoppers, once more the scourge of the settler, had devastated the crops.3' However, they managed to weather the crop-killing frost of l 876 as well, and with a cessation of the insect plague, rapid expansion of the agricultural communities was possible. Governments were aware that the news of the grasshopper plagues would keep immigration and colonization progressing at a snail's pace. Rupert's Land had been admitted into the Confederation, and the Dominion Government had gone far with the survey of Manitoba with a view to its settlement. Immigration agents had been sent out to Britain, to Europe, and to the United States. A great tide of immigrants was expected to set in, but all the efforts of the Dominion Government were brought to nought by those diminutive creatures, the locusts of the plains. The settlers refused to come to a land cursed with one of the plagues of Egypt. 32

A House of Commons committee investigated settlement conditions in the West. Senator John Sutherland, a farmer from Kildonan (Winnipeg), when questioned on 3 April 1876 about the actual conditions of farming, said: I think that extensive settlement will prevent the ravages of the grasshoppers, and we have good reason to believe that we will be exempt from them during the coming season, as there were no deposits of eggs in the Province in 1875, and in all probability we will be relieved

38 Early encounters from that plague for many years to come. To my own knowledge the Province was not affected by grasshoppers for forty years previous to 1867, since which date we have had them off and on every two years, or each alternate year. 33

On 24 March 1876 Professor Macoun who had travelled over the western plains and to the Peace River some years earlier, had stated: Grasshoppers from their very nature cannot be yearly visitors, but are almost certain to be occasional ones. It seems to be a law that insect pests eventually breed their own destruction. This seems to have been their history in the past, and I believe will be the same in the future. A few reached the South Saskatchewan in 1875, but none have ever been seen on Peace River. Owing to the belt of timber which intervenes between it and the Saskatchewan, they can never injure that fine country, nor will they ever do much damage in the Saskatchewan country, as they are likely to move towards the east and north, which takes them away from it. I know of no mode of prevention except tree planting, which will be at best a slow process. 34

A third 'expert,' Kenneth MacKenzie, a farmer from Portage la Prairie, spoke in 1873 about conditions from 1869 to 1873: I have heard some complaints of grubs [probably root maggots], but have not suffered any by them on my crops, and I have sown turnips in May and they did well, and all through June, and no flies to hurt ... [the settlement has not been troubled by grasshoppers] since I have been here. I am eight miles west of Portage la Prairie, and no settler was [bothered] before me west of the Portage ... In 1868 they destroyed all from Portage at that time to Fort Garry, and all settled. This year [1873] they destroyed all down on Red River or around Fort Garry, and partially up the Assiniboine River, up to Poplar Point, but no farther. There are several fair crops in Headingley and White Horse Plains, ie., halfway between Poplar Point and Fort Garry. I cannot positively say [that the grasshopper plague will continue when the country is better settled and more land cultivated], but think their ravages are partial. Some may suffer, while others escape. They only made three clear sweeps, I am told, since 1812, when the country was first settled, and then all the portion that was settled was a small spot round Fort Garry. Rev. Mr. Nesbitt had a good crop in Prince Albert Mission, Saskatchewan, in 1868.35

Up to this time the principal settlements in Manitoba had suffered intermittently, but severely, from the depredations of grasshoppers. Control measures were relatively unknown and very little information was made available to the farmers so that they could protect their crops; economic entomology was a relatively unknown subject. Individuals such as G.M. Dawson had made some recommendations to the

39 Settlers versus insects federal government, which in themselves were far-reaching, for some of his basic precepts are still practised today: a. By a system of inspection, in which many men need not be employed, the chief localities in which eggs were deposited in the autumn, over immense areas, might be learned. b. By the use of smoke, which is allowed to drift across the fields from smothered fires or 'smudges,' many of the insects may be prevented from alighting. c .... a process called 'roping' lin which) a horse being fastened to each end of the rope [as) it is dragged to and fro across the field, brushing the insects from the stalks, and often causing them at last to fly off. d. They may also be caught in great numbers in scoop-nets and bags, especially when somewhat torpid, in the evenings and mornings; and where the area affected is limited, this may be usefully employed. e. The method of destruction which seems to have been found most successful ... is fall ploughing. f. Of more limited applicability is the collection of the eggs by hand ... aided if need be by government bounties. g. Burning the prairie in dry weather. h. the use of heavy rollers. i. driving the young insects together by converging circles, and destroying them with flat wooden shovels. j. driving them into straw, which is afterward fired, or into fires, streams, or ditches. k. large flocks of domestic fowls ... will materially assist. I. fields may be protected from the young insects wherever a ditch of moderate width surrounding them, can be filled with water. 36

Colonization of Manitoba was progressing favourably despite the slow start, and an increase was imminent especially after the transcontinental railway was built. So in spite of the insects, and especially the grasshoppers and the mosquitoes, the Canadian West was coming into its own. What of the Pacific colony? The gold fever of the fifties had brought in thousands of get-rich-quick itinerants, many of whom perished, moved on to Alaska, or returned home. A few stayed to man the productive mines and the expanding forestry and lumber industry, or took to ranching. The government of British Columbia, under Sir James Douglas, completed in 1862 the Cari boo Road linking the interior with the coast, and placed the seat of government in New Westminster. Then Victoria, on Vancouver Island, joined in a union with the fledgling province of British Columbia in 1866. By 1869 only 8500 non-native people remained in the whole of the pro-

40 Early encounters vince, for most of the transient population had disappeared. Settlement was sparse and widely separated, with agriculture confined to about 1200 acres on 300 farms in the delta and the lower Fraser Valley at Hatzic, Langley, and Sumac. 37 There is no doubt that the insects of garden and field exacted their share of the domestic foodstuffs planted or stored by the settlers. If some species of insects proved to be pests no action was taken against them and little was said. The pioneering spirit was too stoic to be diverted by seemingly small adversities. Then on 20 July 1871, British Columbia was admitted to Confederation. Many of the citizens of the new province were of British ancestry, and a small but influential group still clung to old country customs and maintained certain standards of the upper-middle class and landed-gentry background even under the stresses of frontier life. Some of them had financial security, others received 'allowances' or had reached economic security by sound investment and hard work. Most of this small elite were well educated and had brought extensive libraries with them. They contributed scientific articles to learned societies, as well as indulging in a myriad of hobbies, such as riding on fox hunts (in the interior they ran coyotes!), playing cricket, or collecting butterflies. From this segment of the population governors Douglas and Seymour recruited the civil service. This segment also made the initial contribution to the natural sciences of all the western provinces. These were the men and women who were to become the first biologists of the new provinces of British Columbia and Manitoba first as amateur naturalists and then as professional entomologists. These are the people who blazed the 'insect trail' across this western land, who dedicated their efforts with unrestricted zeal to a fledgling science; the names of its members to be the unforgettable foundation building stones in the annals of pure and applied entomology in western Canada.

3

Collectorsand naturalists

Man is, has been, and always will be, an inveterate collector. For those with a flair for natural history, what better way to appease a natural curiosity than to collect the objects of nature? Insects, having adapted to conditions in every conceivable habitat including that of man, have become the constant companion of man and the object of his interest: 'Observation excites curiosity, curiosity leads to enquiry, enquiry tends to increase knowledge, and the more one knows, the more one desires to know. And natural history subjects are so diverse in their manifestations, as to provide something suited to every taste." So it was with the many settlers in the early years in western Canada. They had to interest themselves in all things of the frontier and especially in things that affected their livelihood, their crops, and their families. Many were of educated families bringing with them vast stores of knowledge of plants and animals, including insects. Many of the learned men of the day were educators or missionaries. These were among the first to attempt to identify the insect fauna that they collected. Most of the other collectors were content to capture specimens, either for their own 'collections' or for some foreign museum. They were among the best of the world's correspondents, for they knew one another, as well as the 'experts' who could identify the captures they had made. These amateurs were the backbone of entomology. They gave the science of insects the drive and initiative it needed to stay alive. Their sustained interest maintained entomology even in the isolated homestead. Of course, scientific expeditions preceded the amateur collector into the uncharted frontiers of western Canada. Their members catalogued the few insects they were able to find in the vast reaches of the northern and western regions. Sir John Richardson, surgeon and naturalist with the Sir John Franklin expeditions of 1825 to 1827, was among the first to collect the insects west of Hudson Bay. Along the Red River and Lake Winnipeg to The Pas on the Saskatchewan River, he

42 Early encounters collected species of at least ten orders. Because Richardson had a preference for beetles, these were the most abundant in his collection: 345 specimens of the 441 captured. 2 The expedition of Captain George Black, from 1833 to 1835, was sponsored by the British Government and by private donors, in the hope of finding Sir John Ross who had been lost in the Arctic. Black followed the route of Franklin and included in his company the ship's surgeon and naturalist, Richard King. Apparently King was not much of an entomologist, for he collected only a small number of insects. These are listed along with those captured by Richardson, in accounts by Archdeacon W.W. Kirkby who collected avidly at Island Lake, York Factory, and Fort Simpson from 1858 to 1861.3 Probably the most credit for initiating and continuing the collecting of insects in western Canada must be given to the Geological Survey of Canada. Its directors and associates, such as Robert Bell, G.M. Dawson, John Macoun, J.B.Tyrrell, and D.B. Dowling, were ardent geologists and naturalists. They concerned themselves not only with the rich and abundant natural resources of the region - lumber and trees, coal and minerals, fish and fur-bearing animals, resources of direct benefit to settlers - but also with the economic benefits of soil, transportation, and climate. These men were inveterate collectors and insects were not neglected. G.M. Dawson's trips across western and northwestern Canada had some specific entomological overtones, but these were largely associated with the locust plagues of the 1870s. His descriptive picture of these insects and their ravages was mentioned earlier. However, Dawson was ever on the alert to ascertain why this vast land should, or should not, be settled; what its good or poor points were, its disadvantages, and so on. By 1882 rail transportation was very expensive and alternative routes, by alternative modes of transport, were sought by the government of Canada. For this reason water navigation through Hudson Bay was given serious consideration; several expeditions were dispatched in 1884-86, with Captain A.R. Gordon in charge. Professor Robert Bell was the scientific officer on board Captain Gordon's ship. He, for many years, had also been director of the Geological Survey of Canada and had taken part in many field party explorations in the West. Not only was he interested in geological specimens but insects also struck his fancy, especially the beetles. In 1879 Bell had explored the region of the Churchill and Nelson rivers, as well as the territory around God's and Island lakes. Here he had collected beetles later identified by J.L. LeConte; 38 species were found. However, he did not confine his captures to beetles, but also collected the moths and the butterflies of the region. At Churchill, York Factory, and to the north of Churchill on the west side of Hudson Bay, he collected 29 species. These were identified by a 'Herr Geffcken' of Stuttgart.

43 Collectors and naturalists Part of Bell's collection of butterflies consisted of captures made by Archdeacon Kirkby, who had given them to him in 1859. In 1880 he collected in Manitoba, between Lake Winnipeg and Hudson Bay. He was able to capture 27 species of beetles at York Factory, 41 between Norway and Oxford houses, 38 at Fort Garry, and 36 at Gross Lake on the Nelson River. 4 These 142 species of beetles contained some species whose food was the stored products of man. The larder beetle and the yellow meal worm were found at the Hudson's Bay posts of Oxford House and Norway House. These forts were storehouses where the pests would find ample food to sustain them, after being brought there in infested foodstuffs. At Fort Garry, the wireworm, Agriotes sp., was found a ready-made pest of cereal crops planted by man. In 1881 Bell and others collected in the Lake Superior district, and in the Northwest Territories, east of the I 12th meridian (that is a north-south line through Vegreville, Brooks, and Taber, in Alberta), and south of the 60th parallel. Once more a large number of beetles of the local fauna were included by Bell from Nelson House and from an area lying between Lake Winnipeg and Hudson Bay. William Isbister, an employee at Nelson House, contributed 51 species of beetles that he had collected at, and northwest of, Nelson House near the Churchill River. A.S. Cochrane, presumably another employee of the trading company, did considerable collecting while at the trading posts. He gave his collection to Bell; these were eventually identified by LeConte. Cochrane collected 19 species in the area of the Nelson River between Cross Lake and Cumberland House, a further 19 species north of Cumberland House to Reindeer Lake, and yet a further 8 species west of Reindeer Lake to Fort Chipewyan on Lake Athabasca.5 These 166 species of beetles provided a fairly good informational basis of the entomological fauna in the northern portions of the prairie provinces. Although the collection was limited to beetles, Cochrane did provide creditable information on indigenous insects south of the tundra line. This, together with Isbister and Bell's captures, gave entomologists a 'hat rack' on which to hang future work. Such work would not only include the collecting, identifying, and naming of specimens, but also the determining of the economic status of each potential pest species. After the Geological Survey teams had traversed much of the northern portions of the prairie provinces, they devoted some time to the more southern regions. Central Alberta and the adjacent Saskatchewan Territories were surveyed in I 884-86. Included in the general collection of rocks and flora made by J.B. Tyrrell, who was in charge of the Geological Survey, were the moths and butterflies. These collections were made in 1884 and 1885, while he was in charge of field operations. In 1886 D.B. Dowling took charge of the survey team, but continued to collect the insects as well. All specimens captured were given to James Fletcher, who was then the 'Honorary Dominion Entomologist,' attached to the Dominion Department of

44 Early encounters Agriculture at Ottawa. Fletcher identified the specimens and listed 17 diurnal Lepidoptera collected principally in the Red Deer River region of Alberta by Tyrrell. There were 19 diurnal species collected by Dowling near Edmonton, Three Hills, and the Vermilion River district. In addition to the latter, Dowling also captured IO species of nocturnal moths near Buffalo Pound Lake, Edmonton, and in the Battle River region. 6 Many early naturalists were interested in more than just insects, as was the case with many of the factors of the Hudson's Bay posts. One such man, George Barnston, at Norway House, collected the beetles of the area. It was later found that Barnston had captured 79 species of which 25 occurred at Norway House, 12 at Carlton House, 59 at the north end of Lake Winnipeg, and 14 in the Mackenzie River and Great Slave Lake districts.7 Many of the same species of beetle were found in more than one locality. Today, when we look at the list it is of interest to learn that the virgin regions of northwestern Canada contained many of our well-known ground beetles, wireworms, stored product insects, water beetles, and leaf beetles. Many of these have, no doubt, become pest species today; but it is just as likely that some, like the stored product insects, were introduced by the employees of the Hudson's Bay Company when they arrived with foodstuffs brought from eastern Canada, or from overseas. A few early American explorers and entomologists were interested in western Canada. The entomologists were primarily specialists in insect classification and taxonomy, and were interested in learning more about the new and unnamed species in the northwest of British North America. The expert on beetles, J.L.LeConte of New York and Philadelphia, examined many of the collections, particularly those of the Pacific northwest. Many collected specimens are probably in the museum collections of American institutions, and only an exhaustive search would reveal the dates, places, and names of collectors of these early acquisitions. However, some specific information is available. John Keast Lord, a British naturalist associated with the Anglo-American Border Survey of the 49th parallel in 1858-62, collected 148 species of insects from British Columbia and Vancouver Island. These included 24 species of moths and butterflies, I lace wing, 94 species of beetles, 4 species of flies, 1 true bug, 23 species of bees and wasps, and I spider; when LeConte examined these in 1870, he found many species were not new and the collection not as significant as formerly assumed. 8 Henry and Joseph Matthews collected 186 species of beetles on Vancouver Island in 1869.9 These were identified and catalogued by LeConte, as were those of the second batch of beetles collected in 1875 under the auspices of A.R. Selwyn of the Geological Survey of Canada. LeConte's second list, published in 1877, contained

45 Collectors and naturalists 153 species of beetles from British Columbia. 10 These beetles had been picked up while on a geological survey through the interior of British Columbia, north and west of Quesnel, in the Chilcotin district. Some were collected near the Finley River and in the Upper Peace River country. The collection was noteworthy because it was a very good indicator of what 'home grown' species were present in the area. The species that he found incuded tiger beetles, water boatmen, water striders, leafand laby-bird beetles, wireworms, and bark beetles. Samuel H. Scudder, an American expert on the taxonomy of grasshoppers, travelled by canoe down the Red River in 1860. He followed much the same route as that taken by Richardson thirty-five years earlier. On this trip through Manitoba, Scudder collected 14 species of grasshoppers and crickets, and I praying mantis.'' In British Columbia, the first offical entomologist in western Canada, Rev. George W. Taylor, was appointed Honorary Provincial Entomologist in 1887. Taylor had arrived in Victoria as a young man, in 1882, having a decided interest in natural history. He was a member of the Zoological and Entomological Societies in England and had had considerable scientific training. When he went scouting for insects on the island, he was much impressed with the extreme abundance of butterflies: Nearly 40 species may be marked abundant. A patch of blossom in May, covered with Blues and Frittillarics, with an occasional Colias and two or three magnificent species of Papi/io, is a sight such as an English entomologist, at least, never sees at home, and later in the year the hundreds of Vanessa, Chrysophanus, Pamphila, and Limcnitis make a very different but not less beautiful picture."

His exuberance and energies knew no bounds where butterfly collecting was concerned. The magnitude of such devotion to a science was witnessed by Peter Venables, who later was a staff member of the Dominion Entomological Laboratory at Vernon, British Columbia. Venables relates that in the Anglican church in Nanaimo, while Taylor was delivering his sermon, 'a desireable specimen [of butterfly] was hovering round the pulpit light ... with a few deft passes of a cyanide bottle [he] captured the insect with no interruption of his discourse." 3 Taylor collected assiduously, especially the 'Diurnal Lepidoptera.' An excellent collection of Vancouver Island butterflies was donated to the Entomological Society of Ontario in 1884. The beetles he collected were sent to, and identified by W. Brodie of Toronto, while the rest of his many captures, of all orders of insects, were described and immortalized in the 18 scientific papers he published in various scientific journals. Another minister, Rev. Henry Matthews, had preceded Taylor on Vancouver Island in the 1860s. This gentleman was also born in Britain and reared in the

46 Early encounters tradition of having a general interest in nature in a country where amateurism was well ingrained, and he turned to the collecting of insects. Rev. J .H. Keen, of the Queen Charlotte Islands (Metlakatla), was the collector of insects in the 1890s. One need only browse through the late nineteenth-century issues of the Canadian Entomologist to appreciate the effort, devotion, and time he spent in collecting the many species of beetles, moths, butterflies, and bugs recorded there. These three ministers were the early insect collectors on Vancouver Island, where, even as late as 1890, little seemed to have been done, or written, concerning the fauna. Others were collecting just for enjoyment in their leisure hours. A banker, A.W. Hanham, who was a keen collector of butterflies and beetles, had come to Winnipeg in 1893 from eastern Canada and finally settled in Duncan in 1905, after four years in Victoria. His efforts in entomology may be traced back to 1884 through his writings in the Canadian Entomologist but his achievements in collecting and describing the Manitoba butterflies and moths attest to the professional manner in which his hobby was conducted. The first all-inclusive lists of the moths and butterflies of Manitoba were compiled by Hanham. Some of his early captures are records that have not been repeated to date, although faulty identification of species may be the cause of such precedents. 14 He gave most of his collection to the province of British Columbia, and the Provincial Museum is the richer for his efforts. In 1894 W.A. Dashwood-Jones joined the staff of the British Columbia Land Registry Office. This energetic man had collected birds' nests, flowers, and butterflies, as a boy in England; and he never outgrew, or outlived, his love for the objects of nature. Even while working on a railroad construction job at Yale and Drynock, as an express manager at Port Moody, or in a salmon cannery, he spent his leisure time collecting butterflies and moths. A fire in the Court House in New Westminster reduced his efforts of half a lifetime, - his complete insect collection - to ashes. The loss was irreparable and, though he continued his entomological work, the results were to remain inferior to his initial endeavours. The Tring Museum in England, operated by the Rothschild brothers, was the only benefactor for it has some of the butterfly captures of Dashwood-Jones displayed in its showcases. By the late 1890s the Kootenay districts were well stocked with miners and men of the building trade. An architect, Harry Cane, was in Nelson in the midst of the mining boom. In his spare time he captured the various moths and butterflies of the region. His collection, of some 220 species, was all caught in his garden, a remarkable achievement for an amateur. He later gave the collection to a fellow collector, H.R. Foxlee. In the Lower Okanagan, at Osoyoos, lived C. deBlois Green, whose interests in entomology dated back many years prior to 1893. In that year he and W.H. Danby undertook to write a 'Report on the Entomology of British Columbia." 5 They listed all captures made in the province to 1892, 90 species of butterflies, 71 moths, flies, beetles, and spiders, as well as some economic pests like the oakworm caterpillar,

47 Collectors and naturalists Lambdina somniaria, that had defoliated the oak trees in Beacon Hill Park during

the preceding four years. The report, though brief, indicated that the state of entomology in British Columbia at that time was rather primitive, both in taxonomic and economic aspects. Mrs Marianne E. (Hippesley) Clark was a coleopterist of note from the Terrace district of British Columbia. She had started collecting insects as a child of 11 when she moved from Leeds in England to the Dauphin district of Manitoba, and later to Terrace. By 1922 she had captured many beetles, sufficient to publish lists of the beetles of Terrace. Such lists, by 1959, included 659 species, exceeding by 150 species 'the longest list of beetles ever recorded from any locality in the Pacific Northwest." 6 Only two small 'store boxes,' containing rare and valuable specimens of beetles, remain of her extensive collection. These were bequeathed to the U niversity of British Columbia, along with a home-made cabinet in which to house the acquisitions. Her library was also left to the university. One of Manitoba's collectors of note was a married man, with an ailing 12-year-old son, who homesteaded near Cartwright in 1882. He was E. Firmstone Heath, who named his homestead 'The Hermitage,' probably quite aptly because Fletcher described it as being 'six miles across the prairie from Cartwright, which is almost like six miles from nowhere." 7 Despite the hardships of making a living on a homestead, despite his dire financial straits and partially paralysed physical condition, Heath had one of the finest butterfly collections in the northwest. He corresponded freely and exchanged specimens with all amateur insect collectors and became a recognized authority for the identification of certain genera and families of Lepidoptera. The Heath collection of insects, bought by the Manitoba government in 1914, was re-arranged by J.B. Wallis of Winnipeg, and by F.H. Wolley-Dod of Calgary. Though it was thought to be of inferior quality by Wolley-Dod, it remains a 'mine of information concerning the Lepidoptera of southern Manitoba." 8 The collection reposes today in the Department of Entomology Museum at the University of Manitoba in Winnipeg. A.J. Hunter, a medical doctor, of Teulon, in the inter-lake region of Manitoba, was a medical missionary in charge of the local hospital. His days were exceedingly full ones, but he still found time to collect insects. He and the local school teacher, W.A. Cummings, were able to transmit, and instil, some of their own love and zeal for entomology into many of the local children. Hunter's collection of insects, a gathering of carefully mounted and labelled specimens, was garnered over a lifetime. Fortunately, these have been preserved and were given to the Department of Entomology, University of Manitoba, by his daughter, Elizabeth Hunter, in 1964. A.J. Dennis of Beulah devoted his spare time to the collecting of diurnal Lepidoptera; his medium-sized collection was purchased by another amateur collector,

48 Early encounters G. Shirley Brooks, but is now in the Museum of Man in Winnipeg. Other collectors of insects in Manitoba were J.D. Duthie of Winnipeg, H.W. Boger of Brandon, and L.E. Marmont of Rounthwaite, the latter an avid coleopterist until he moved to Coquitlam, British Columbia, where his interests switched to the micro-Lepidoptera. Saskatchewan seems to have had fewer amateur entomologists than Manitoba in the late nineteenth century. Included in the list of correspondents who reported insect activity to James Fletcher after 1884 were some who resided in Saskatchewan. Respondents such as G.S. Johnson of Moose Jaw, Rev. Clement Hoyle of Oundurn, and Eugene Conbeaux of Prince Albert were interested in insects. Although there is no evidence they collected insects as a hobby, they were interested in the economic species and therefore reported any local insect damage to the federal authorities. In Alberta an early and influential collector was T.N. Willing. He farmed near Olds in the late 1880s and was especially interested in weeds and their control. This brought him into touch with James Fletcher, who was not only the Dominion Entomologist but also the Dominion Botanist and therefore responsible for plants. Fletcher encouraged and induced him to make extensive insect and weed collections. When the position of 'Weed Inspector' for the Northwest Territories became available, James Fletcher was instrumental - his recommendations carried a lot of weight - in having T.N. Willing appointed by the territorial government. This required a move to Regina where he carried out his duties as weed inspector and game guardian with expert diligence and efficiency. His insect collections included all orders of insects, most of which remained in the Saskatchewan Museum and at the University of Saskatchewan. Willing was appointed a professor of biology at the University of Saskatchewan in 1915. Because of his extensive travels throughout Saskatchewan and Alberta, he was able to collect a vast array of all species of insects, especially those having economic significance. Many of these captures were made at the request of, and especially for, the National Collection in Ottawa. Insect collecting was done as early as 1890 in the Laggan district by J. Bean, a Canadian Pacific Railway official, and in the Midnapore district by A. Hudson. Both men collected moths and butterflies. The insects collected were, for the most part, identified and named by experts in the United States. Several species were named in honour of their collectors. C.G. Barrett of Didsbury, Alberta, and Thomas Baird of High River were two ardent collectors of the Lepidoptera in Alberta at the turn of the century. The latter took particular note of the flies, although he collected any and all species he could find. He was one of the few who realized some monetary return from his hobby, having sold all of his captures to private individuals.

49 Collectors and naturalists

In 1901 entomological papers began to appear, written by F.H. Wolley-Dod. He was 'one of the two leading Lepidopterists on the North American Continent.' Being a man of independent means, he lived the life of a near-hermit on his ranch in the foothills of the Rockies. He visited the great museums of the United States and Europe. His assistant, W.H.T. Tams, did much of the routine rearing of insects, the preserving of specimens, and general curatorial duties for Wolley-Dod. So good was Tam's training under Wolley-Dod, that when he returned to England at the onset of hostilities, in 1914, he was immediately appointed Curator of Lepidoptera at the British Museum of Natural History in South Kensington. Wolley-Dod collected extensively in the foothills of the Rocky Mountains, and examined and identified moths and butterflies for others from all parts of Canada, Europe, and the United States. He joined up during the First World War when his age and physical condition went unrecognized in favour of his zeal and loyalty to his country, and he died in battle. His private collection was bequeathed to the federal government for the National Collection in Ottawa. E.H. Strickland was given the task of crating and dispatching it to Ottawa, in the spring of 1920. With snow still deep in the foothills, entry to the ranch, and exit from it, with a truck carrying a ton of moths and their cases, was an adventure that taxed even the most ardent and zealous lover of insects. Not all collectors were specialists. Norman B. Sanson was a naturalist who started out west as a member of the Queen's Own Regiment to aid in the suppression of the Riel Rebellion of 1885. He liked the West and decided to stay in Alberta after his hitch in the military was completed. He collected anything that was an insect, and after leaving Calgary in 1892 he was appointed Director of the Banff Museum. The large collection of insects, most of whose specimens he had captured, as well as the museum, fell into disrepair when he retired just before the Second World War. Had it not been for the enthusiastic entomological acitivity of Sanson much of the early natural history of the Banff region would have been lost. One of the most unusual collectors of insects was Percy B. Gregson, of Blackfalds, Alberta. His specialty was fleas, and as early as 1895 the fleas collected by him formed part of the Rothschild Collection in England. He was ever concerned with the economic aspects of entomology and spent a considerable portion of his mature years developing a sense of natural history in the children, and the older folk, of the Red Deer area. He was instrumental in the formation of the North-West Entomological Society (see chapter 5), and lectured monthly in schools and at public meetings about insect collecting, insect control, weeds, and agriculture. His brother, Arthur D. Gregson, arrived in Calgary in 1885. Arthur had been suffering from tuberculosis at his home in Sussex. Homesteading at the junction of the Red Deer and Blindman rivers, trapping fur-bearing animals in winter, and collecting fleas for the Hon. Nathaniel Rothschild dispelled his consumptive condi-

50

Early encounters

tion. Fleas were sold to Lord Rothschild for six pence apiece and provided a ready source of income during hard times. Gregson is credited with collecting the type specimen of the black swallow-tail butterfly, Papilio nitra, described by Edwards. The early twentieth century saw the emergence of the entomological societies and the organization of the discipline as a profession. Throughout the West, however, the tradition of extensive private collections of insects remained a vital element in the expansion of entomological knowledge. Some of these were amassed by people collecting as a hobby, while others were put together by those involved in some professional capacity in the study of insects. British Columbia, as expected, had its share of collectors, who followed in the wake of Taylor and his contemporaries. Of particular note is J.W. Cockle of Kaslo. He owned and operated the local hotel on Kootenay Lake at the turn of the century, and acted as a guide for any who wanted to pack into the interior mountain country. His amazing knowledge of the area and its natural history and his skill in camping and outdoor survival made him the natural choice for anyone interested in reaching remote areas for the collecting of insects. He amassed a collection of insects, including many moths, butterflies, and beetles, of the Kootenay region, the records of which are still measured with the best of today. One collector stands apart - R.V. Harvey, from Londonderry. He arrived in Vancouver in 1900 to open a private boys' school, appropriately called 'Queen's School.' This was later transplanted to Victoria and named the 'University School.' Harvey worked unceasingly in the interests of entomology, first as a most energetic collector of Lepidoptera, and then, from 1904 of the Diptera, the flies of British Columbia. The family Syrphidae was his particular strong point. It is probably due to his untiring efforts to promote, build, and unify the science of entomology that the Entomological Society of British Columbia was founded in 1902. The decline and stagnation of the society, though temporary, was due to the lack of Harvey's leadership after 1907. Pressure of other duties forced him to relinquish the leadership in 1908, although his interest in entomology remained undimmed. His death in battle in April 1915 deprived entomology of a masterful worker. 19 Others in British Columbia were also notable for their collecting. One, initially an insurance broker and later the postmaster in Victoria, was Ernest H. Blackmore. He appeared on the entomological scene in Canada in 1904. Until his death in 1929 he was an avid butterfly and moth collector, favouring the capturing of geometrid moths. Blackmore was the recognized authority for the identification of species of this family of insects. His personal collection of some I 500 species, consisting of more than soc:;o specimens, captured in almost every part of British Columbia, remains a 'monument to his painstaking care and attention to minute details." 0

5 1 Collectors and naturalists George 0. Day, a retired British banker from Cheshire, settled in Duncan, British Columbia, in 1905. He was 51 years old, a Fellow of the Royal Entomological Society, and had had a life-long interest in insects and plants. He gave the Entomological Society of British Columbia his whole-hearted support - his house was the site of the seventh annual meeting. He was elected to the positions of vice president and president of the society during the years 1912-15. He had brought with him to Canada a collection of English moths and butterflies representing nearly all of the species occurring in Britain. He continued to collect in British Columbia, capturing a remarkable number of Lepidoptera, particularly on Vancouver Island. To George Day must go the credit of originating, probably in the 1910s, a unique method of setting the wings of butterflies, so that they would remain expanded and undamaged. He kept the wings of his captured specimens in place on the setting board 'by means of slips of glass hinged to the edges of the board, the weight of the glass in most cases being sufficient to hold the wings in place until dry."' Eleven articles, published in the Proceedings of the Entomological Society of British Columbia, bear witness to the expert knowledge of butterflies possessed by this 'best type' of amateur entomologist. Out of the hard-fought-for enterprise of an embryo ranch in the interior of British Columbia, located north of Kamloops, emerged another individual who had strong entomological leanings. He was Theodore A. Moilliett, 'Tam' to all his friends. An Englishman born in Herefordshire and educated in Essex, he preferred farming in Canada to the Boer War, arriving in Orillia, Ontario, in 1899. His employment trail led him through the grain fields of Saskatchewan to a smelter at Trail, British Columbia, to mercury poisoning, and finally to an enforced out-of-doors life on ranches along the North Thompson River. His ranch near Vavenby - it should have been 'Haven by,' but the recorder in the Land Titles Office could not decipher Moilliett's writing - was the first to import sheep from Lacombe and pasture them on the high ranges. Stock on the Moilliett ranch were among the first fatalities recorded as a result of tick paralysis. Moilliett found the first rabbit dying of tularaemia and picked off the rabbit tick, Haemaphysalis leporispalustris, from which the disease-producing organism was isolated. Moilliett was an incessant collector of moths and butterflies which he sent to E.H. Blackmore for identification and naming. There were a few 'firsts' in this collection, 'two new species known to science Enypia moillieti Blackmore and Epinotia scorsa Blackmore.m His love of natural history and his extensive knowledge of the biology of the North Thompson River area may have been quite a normal trait for him, for he was a relative of Charles Darwin. J.R.J.Llewellyn-Jones of Cobble Hill, Vancouver Island, was 36 years old when he came to Canada in 1930 from Exeter. He had an MA in theology, independent

52 Early encounters

means, and could indulge in studying the macro-Lepidoptera. As president of the Entomological Society of British Columbia, 1943-7, he promised 'and strove to accomplish three objects (1) the increase of entomological literature in the Province, (2) the establishment of scholarships in aid of deserving students in Entomology, and (3) a reserve fund for publishing our Proceedings.' He accomplished the first two items by willing his library to the University of British Columbia and by personally paying for student scholarships for seven years. Llewellyn-Jones was one of the first 'amateurs' who proceeded further than merely collecting insects as a hobby. He used scientifically planned, experimental procedures to determine what food plants were used to sustain the various species of Lepidoptera. His nine papers on the subject attest to the success he achieved. 23 In Alberta, another English banker, F .C. Whitehouse, made his appearance after arriving from Warwick in 1905. He managed a bank in Red Deer, where an interest in dragonflies led to an energetic career of collecting these aerobatically active insects and describing new species. By 1918 he had described most of the Odonata of Alberta and published a descriptive key of the order. Although he retired from banking in 1934, his interest and activities in the study of the damsel- and the dragonflies continued unabated. His efforts culminated in the publication of comprehensive lists, catalogues, and keys of the Odonata, not only of British Columbia and Alberta, but also of all of Canada and Jamaica. His personal collection was divided among the Provincial Museum in Victoria, the City Museum of Vancouver, and the University of British Columbia. The university collection contains 6 specimens of each of 61 species of dragonflies and 18 species of damselflies, representing 79 of the 89 species found in British Columbia. Another talented and expert Alberta amateur, F.S. Carr, turned his energies to a study of beetles. Born in Cobourg, Ontario, in 1881, his entomological interests started when still a boy, but began to bear fruit when he came out west to teach in a high school in Edmonton, in 1909. Under the auspices of the Red Deer Natural History Society he publshed extensive lists of beetles: first, of the 500 species collected in northern Alberta, and ultimately, by 1933, of more than 1400 species in the province. His specialties among the beetles were the Staphylinidae and the Curculionidae (dung and snout beetles). The University of Alberta, to whom his personal collection was donated by Mrs Carr in 1939, became richer by some IOo,ooo specimens, representing most of the North American beetles. Rivalling Wolley-Dod as an ardent collector and taxonomic expert of the butterflies and moths of Alberta was Kenneth Bowman. Arriving in Alberta in 1904, from England, he already had an extensive knowledge of the macro-Lepidoptera. By 1919 he was able to publish a record of 500 species which occurred in Alberta and which

53 Collectors and naturalists he had collected. No one, up to that time, had paid attention to the microLepidoptera - the tiny moths - some of which are exceedingly minute. Bowman attacked this group with sincere taxonomic zeal and in 1951 published a revised list of more than 1800 species. His collection of moths, now at the University of Alberta, still contains many tens of specimens that are unnamed, a lasting tribute to the energetic work and interest taken by the amateur in the natural history of one small portion of the entomological fauna of Alberta. Another naturalist was George A. Hardy. He had had some schooling and training in biology while a youth in Glasgow, so that it was natural for him to make extensive collections of plants, birds, mammals, and insects while homesteading in Alberta. Later, as a member of the staff of the Provincial Museum in Vancouver, from 1924 to 1928 and 1941 to 1953, he had ample opportunity to travel and collect insects; 'his lanky frame clad in short pants and armed with a butterfly net and a vasculum startled the natives in many out-of-the-way places." 4 He, as did so many others both amateur and professional, concentrated his efforts on a single group of insects. This specialty was the wood-boring beetle group, on which he is still regarded as an authority. The early twentieth century brought forth some very enthusiastic students of entomology in Manitoba. Most were contemporaries of Norman Criddle, the pioneer professional entomologist of the province, whom we shall see again in parts II and IV. Among these was J.B. Wallis, born in England in 1877, who emigrated to Canada in 1893 and served as school teacher and superintendent of schools in Winnipeg from 1903 to 1945. He was particularly knowledgeable about beetles, dragonflies, and butterflies. Of all the beetles, he liked the tiger and water beetles best. He published monographic studies on these insects. 'JB' was an enthusiastic collector, a renowned specialist, and an expert entomologist who was invited to participate in the Northern Insect Survey sponsored by the federal Department of Agriculture from 1949 to 1952.' 5 L.H.D. Roberts, a Canadian National Railway official in Winnipeg, was also an ardent collector of beetles and butterflies. Arriving from England as a boy in 1913, he had always had an interest in insects and devoted all his spare time to this hobby. When pressure of work forced him to give up his collecting he gave all of his previous captures of beetles to J.B. Wallis, and his Lepidoptera to the Winnipeg Museum. One of the most enthusiastic collectors of insects to accompany Norman Criddle and J.B. Wallis on their many collecting 'safaris' was G. Shirley Brooks. He also was an Englishman, a Canadian National Railway employee, and a collector of everything entomological. Throughout the 1920s and 1930s he was capturing, pinning,

54 Early encounters and mounting all the insects that he caught in and around Winnipeg and Victoria Beach. His premier interest was in the butterflies, a collection of which is now in the Manitoba Museum. Then there were collectors who used their time and talents in entomology for purposes other than those usually regarded as altruistic or scientific. J.F. May turned his collecting hobby into a very successful commercial venture. He was a forest ranger in the Riding Mountain National Park of Manitoba in the 1930s, where his affinity for natural history enabled him to explore some of the most interesting insect collecting grounds in the province. May and his wife collected as many butterflies and other 'showy' insects as they could find, and bought and traded many more for exotic species from different parts of the world. They exhibited these and the native species at various fairs. May left government service and began a travelling entomological show and exhibition in the United States which proved so successful that he established a permanent home for his collection at Colorado Springs, Colorado. 'May's Tropical Exhibition' is still operated by his son, J.M. May, in Colorado. Thus, the collection started in 1903 had blossomed into a gargantuan exposition - a unique chapter of entomological endeavour which had its origin in southern Manitoba. Others collected for the sheer beauty of the specimens they captured, while the museums were enriched by the bequests of the prize specimens. Donald Mackie was a registrar of births, marriages, and deaths in the province of Manitoba, and collected butterflies. When he could no longer enjoy the beauty of his captures, because of failing eyesight, he donated, in the late 1940s, his fine collection to the University of Manitoba. There were also those collectors of whom no one was aware, who enjoyed their hobby of collecting insects but did not share their experiences with other amateurs or professionals. One such instance can be cited here - Hugh A. Gibbon of Mineota, Manitoba. Prior to 1963 no one, either amateur or professional, had been aware of his large insect collection. Gibbon's heirs donated a huge 'collection of moths and butterflies ... perhaps 15,000 specimens of possibly 2,500 species" 6 to the Department of Entomology, University of Manitoba. Only then did others become aware of Gibbon's entomological expertise. He had gathered thousands of Lepidoptera from correspondents in many countries, and had purchased a large number from supply houses for prices ranging from 50 cents to $15. All his spare time had been given over to his hobby - his family scarcely saw or learned to know him as a father, for he had locked himself away in a small room to carry on with his 'bugs.' The ultimate value of the Gibbon collection may only be known after an examination and evaluation of the collection by the present university entomologists, A. Grant Robinson, and his staff.

55 Collectors and naturalists Just how many individual amateur entomologists there were in western Canada remains uncertain. It can be assumed that many members of the Entomological Society of Canada Oater, of Ontario) had collections or were keen observers of insect life. Only detailed research will produce a comprehensive history of all the amateurs who had a part in the development of entomology in western Canada.

PART II: THE FIRST PROFESSIONALS

James Fletcher, Dominion Entomologist

C. Gordon Hewitt , Dominion Ent omologist

1884-1908

1909-20

Arthur Gibson, Dominion Entomologist

E.H . Strickland

1920-42

William Saunders

R .C. Treherne

The first laboratory at Aweme, Manitoba, with Norman Criddle at right (1915)

The Dominion Entomological Laboratory at Lethbridge in

1920

4

James Fletcher, Dominion Entomologist

With a stroke of the pen, J.H. Pope, the Minister of Agriculture, created the position of Dominion Entomologist and launched Canada into the era of professional entomology. The man appointed to the position, on I June 1884, was James Fletcher. Fletcher was not a professional biologist as we know it today. He was an accountant by vocation, working in the Library of Parliament, but he was also, by avocation, a brilliant naturalist. He was insatiably interested in nature and all that she denotes. By rigorous self-improvement, observation, and discussion, he had become a proficient entomologist, an expert taxonomist, and a recognized specialist on moths and butterflies. But always he was intent on improving the lot of man by controlling the insects that were harmful to him and his country's well being. His unlimited energy and dynamic personality set him apart from his fellow biologists, and made him an admirable choice for the position of 'Dominion Entomologist.' The position was strictly honorary. Pope selected Fletcher upon the recommendation of a number of prominent leaders in agricultural science from across the Dominion, not the least of these being the first director of the Experimental Farm System, William Saunders. In particular, Pope took the advice of members of the Select Committee on Agriculture, which met in Ottawa during the parliamentary session of 1884. It had recommended that the appointment should be purely an honorary one. The appointment was to be the great Canadian experiment to test the value of insect investigations to be begun by the incumbent. The value to the farming population was to be assessed before changes in designation of title, or responsibilities, were to be made. As he himself admitted: 'I have found by experience that farmers, agriculturalists and orchardists throughout the country ... upon learning this fact [of mine being an honorary position] have gone to considerable trouble to

60 The first professionals

assist me in my studies, which might not have been the case, to such a large extent, had this been a remunerative political appointment." Once appointed, Fletcher started a network of correspondents that became his lifeline of entomological intelligence reports. By the end of December 1884, a scant six months after appointment, he had on his correspondence list 'upwards of 400 observers, who have promised to take notes under my instructions, and report periodically upon noxious insects and remedies suggested to keep them in check. All of these gentlemen have given a certain amount of attention to the matter, and most of them are practical farmers and gardeners, engaged in the cultivation of their own land." Correspondents sprang up all over Canada, and reports of insects, their outbreaks, damage, and incurred losses soon poured into Fletcher's office. He was firmly embarked upon the well-known course of 'economic entomology.' He still had very much in common with the itinerant collectors, the resident collectors, the hobbyists, and the naturalists; and he encouraged them all. But he was just as aware of the practical use that could be made of entomological information, and constantly urged all to reduce their crop losses by rigorous control procedures. Fletcher's appointment was made known through the press, and inquiries regarding insects came swiftly from western Canada. Acton Burrows, the Deputy Minister of Agriculture for Manitoba, sent some samples of injurious cutworms to him in July 1884. Fletcher's reply regarding their identification and control was published by the Manitoba government as one of its crop bulletins, thereby getting practical information back, immediately, to the farmer who had need of it. 3 Previous to Fletcher's appointment there had been no one in authority, or in any official position, to whom the provincial officials could turn for advice on entomological matters. For this reason very little extension work on insect control was practiced, and farmers were left to make their own way and to live with crop pests the best way they knew how. Western settlements, except for those along the Assiniboine River in Manitoba, and in the Red River Valley, were in their infancy. The two principal settlements, in what are known as Saskatchewan and Alberta today, were in the Prince Albert and Edmonton districts. The statistics 4 for 1882 and 1883 presented in Table 1 indicate the relative size and activity at these two places. Manitoba and the territorial authorities had their hands full with immigration, settlement, and livestock quarantines. Both men and animals were afflicted with external parasites, especially lice. Mange in horses and cattle, and itch in man, could be cured if the advice of veterinarians and medical doctors were followed. However, it did pose an entomological problem and both psoroptic and sarcoptic mites received publicity from provincial sources. 5

6 l James Fletcher, Dominion Entomologist TABLE

I

Prince Albert and Edmonton districts: Statistics for 1882 and 1883 Prince Albert

Population of district Number of farmers Acres ploughed in 188 2 Acres ploughed in 1883 Area increase from that of 1882 (%) Acres seeded to wheat in I 88 3 Acres seeded to barley Acres seeded to oats Acres seeded to potatoes Average yield per acre of wheat (bu) Average yield per acre of barley (bu) Average yield per acre of oats (bu) Average yield per acre of potatoes (bu) Threshing machines in district Number of horses Number of cattle Number of sheep Number of pigs Immigrants in 1883 Insect pests and/or damage

7168 1375 1732 5880 IO

5330 1745 1020 300 20 35

55 250 23 9251 37,529 46 2104 !000 none

Edmonton 1812 306 677 4922 40 2032 2602 316 65 18 21 27 118 6

1136 2005 2087 59 150 none

Grasshoppers had not plagued western Canada since 1876 and they could no longer be considered a cause for the lack of immigration. In 1880 Manitoba was virtually free of worms, insects, and blight, except for a few occurrences of the Colorado potato beetle, which had begun to spread northward and eastward from the United States. Another family of insects began to show up, namely the root maggots. Turnips, radishes, and other root crops were no longer free of pests for the Hylemyia species of root maggots had found a fresh supply of food. Since then these insects have become a serious menace to root crops in the western Canadian provinces, often forcing market gardeners out of production. However, in the early 1880s, these insects made their presence known, but no one was greatly alarmed. Other insects, such as cabbage maggots and caterpillars of the cabbage butterfly, were also making an appearance, but the wireworm, for the most part, was quite unknown in Manitoba. 6 Insects appeared to be rather unobtrusive and did not cause the farming public, or urban dwellers, any undue concern. To verify this somewhat 'quiet' situation may have been, in part, the cause of the correspondence crusade. However, it was the best means of quickly assessing the situation. By 1885 Fletcher was able to travel into the western regions about which he had heard so much and which, in their vastness, appeared to represent the supreme

62 The first professionals

challenge to his entomological endeavours. The western visit enabled him to meet his many western correspondents, to assess the local agricultural situations, and to go collecting insects. 7 In British Columbia he met Rev. G.W. Taylor, who was still enjoying the free-lance activities of a naturalist. Fletcher learned much from him about insects of the province and especially of Vancouver Island. Taylor would henceforth keep him informed of all activity of insects in British Columbia. It is probably due to this man that James Fletcher retained his grasp of entomological matters on the west coast. A second principal contact man in the West was Hugh McKellar. Although not strictly an entomologist, McKellar's career followed the route of school teacher, principal, farmer and homesteader, civil servant, Chief Clerk of the Manitoba Department of Agriculture, and finally newspaper editor. During his farming days at Clearwater, Manitoba, from 1880 to 1890 James Fletcher made his acquaintance. From that time on, and especially during his civil service career, which ended in 1904, McKellar was the 'chief source of information on insect problems in Manitoba.' 8 For the most part, insect problems were minimal; in 1885 he could report: 'Manitoba and the North West Territories have been remarkably free from insect depredations, but from certain parts of the territories have come rumours of the return of the "Hateful Locust". None of the specimens forwarded to me, however, for identification proved to be this species.' 9 Although only indigenous species of grasshoppers were found on the prairies and caused little harm, a few cutworms were of economic importance in Victoria. In other parts of the West, root maggots on radishes, turnips, and cabbage caused some concern in most settlements except where they had been suppressed by the irrigation of garden crops, such as occurred in the interior of British Columbia. With correspondents such as Taylor and McKellar to keep him posted on insect conditions in western Canada, Fletcher was making the most of the reliable information he obtained. The settlement of the West spurred the federal and provincial governments to investigate possible assistance in agrarian research. William Saunders had travelled extensively throughout the United States and Europe, at the request of the Canadian government, to determine what these countries did for their people in terms of government-sponsored experimental agriculture. His detailed report, and the subsequent committee work, resulted in an Act Respecting Experimental Farm Stations, passed in 1886 with hardly a word of opposition. In Saunders' report on the proposed Experimental Farm System was a list of positions including that of an entomologist whose duty it should be to investigate the habits of insects destructive to farm and garden crops, fruit, etc., as well as those affecting animals, with the view of testing such

63 James Fletcher, Dominion Entomologist remedies as may be available for their destruction. He should also prepare such collections for the museum at the central station as would illustrate the insects injurious and beneficial to vegetation, and duplicate collections of a similar character as early as practicable for each of the sub-stations. Deficiencies in crops arise from the depradations of insects. The yearly loss in Canada from this cause is very large, almost every farmer suffering from it to some extent. Such losses cannot be entirely prevented, but might be greatly lessened by the diffusion of more general information on the subject. Were a skilled entomologist appointed, whose duty it would be to visit disiricts where insect plagues occur, and give all the information obtainable as to the best preventive and remedial measures to adopt, the annual losses might be greatly reduced. 10

The inclusion of an entomologist pos1t1on on the roster of scientific personnel signified that the fledgling science had been officially recognized. The Experimental Farm Act gave Canada a legal mandate to conduct agricultural research. On I July 1887, acting on the advice of William Saunders, the first Director of the Experimental Farms System, Sir John Carling, Minister of Agriculture, appointed James Fletcher as 'Dominion Entomologist and Botanist.' He was to retain this dual portfolio until his death in 1908. He had successfully completed his period of apprenticeship; the 'honorary' designation was removed. Entomology was officially recognized as an important and vital branch of biology, one that deserved recognition. The 1887 appointment of Rev. G.W. Taylor as Provincial Entomologist of British Columbia would permit farmers to get information at first hand from their provincial entomologist, rather than await word from a distant Ottawa specialist. It became common policy that federal and provincial entomologists would work together for the betterment of agriculture, and for the welfare of Canadians. The province would assume responsibility for the control of outbreaks of insects within its borders, conduct control campaigns and extension courses, supply the chemical if such were necessary for control, and assist in practical experimental work. The federal entomological service would be responsible for the biological study of insects, the determination of the life histories of insects, experimentation on a variety of chemical, cultural, and biological agents useful in the control of insects, and the formulation of general recommendations for the control of insect pests. Dissemination of information, by means of lectures, discussions, pamphlets, bulletins, demonstrations, and correspondence, was to be a vital part of the whole operation. Federal and provincial entomologists were to serve a basic industry, the food producer. Many of the details of entomological investigations for western Canada are to be found in the 22 annual reports Fletcher wrote while with the Dominion Experimental Farms system. These reports deal with the habits and control of prevalent insect

64 The first professionals pests and are of more value and interest to the student of entomology than to the historian of entomology. However, relevant portions of that period, 1887 to 1908, interweave inexorably into the historical fabric of people, places, and insects. The Fletcher era may be designated a one-man era in entomology. From the time he was appointed until 1892 he ran a one-man operation. After eight years in office it was recognized that the dual portfolio of managing the nation's insects and plants was too much for one person, and J.A. Guignard was appointed Assistant Entomologist and Botanist. Fletcher delegated to him much of the botanical work, especially that of the herbarium duties, seed collection and planting, at the Central Experimental Farm in Ottawa. In the meantime opportunistic insects came to the fore to present a challenge to man. In 1888 cutworms caused damage to crops in all provinces, but nowhere were the outbreaks general and widespread in any one locality. Taylor reported grasshoppers in British Columbia, presumably on the Saanich Peninsula where injury to crops was extensive. 11 The late 1880s are remembered as the 'Years of the Caterpillar.' The diamondback moth was a serious pest of cabbages, from the Pacific to Winnipeg, in 1890. Some were noticed in Victoria and in Winnipeg as early as 1885, in Captain Deane's garden in Regina in 1887, and in Brandon in 1889 where they were collected by S.A. Bedford at the Experimental Farm. 12 Cutworms were common, as noted earlier. Then came the oak-looper, Lambdina somniaria. These insects had occurred in cycles every three or four years on Vancouver Island and had disfigured the oak trees by defoliation. In 1887, populations of the larvae reached epidemic proportions. Taylor described it well when he said the caterpillars 'were most disagreeable pests, dropping from their food plant [oak trees] and hanging by threads, so that even in walking through the trees it was almost impossible to keep them out of ones eyes and mouth. The threads and larvae were so numerous that it was most unpleasant to walk through the oak groves, and the sound of the falling excrement was suggestive of gentle rain." 3 Unpleasant and disfiguring as their presence had become, they had to be endured because control, by man, was unavailable. However, by 1891 nature stepped in and decimated the oak looper with a fungus disease and the proud oaks of Victoria could once more enhance the city. In Winnipeg a new attack of some interest by the autumn canker-worm caused a few serious moments when ash-leaved maples were defoliated in 1891. But more serious was the effect of damaged cereal crops by the red-backed cutworm, Euxoa ochrogaster. It made its presence felt in grain fields from Ottawa to Calgary. Another insect of note, which Fletcher kept under surveillance through his many correspondents in western Canada, was the red turnip beetle. This leaf-feeding beetle first cropped up in the collections of A.R. Selwyn, who, when with the

65 James Fletcher, Dominion Entomologist Geological Survey of Canada, found them in the Chilcotin district and Peace River country of British Columbia in 1875. Fletcher collected these beetles in August 1885 on the farm of the Cowdry brothers of Pense, near Regina. At that time these beetles were so numerous as to make him wonder whether they were a native pest (of which there appears to be no doubt) and if they, at any time, might become troublesome. By 1891 he was convinced that the red turnip beetle was a serious pest of cruciferous plants. He received letters of complaints from a long list of gardeners whose radishes, turnips, and cabbages had been severely attacked. Among the many complainants were G.D. Fitzgerald, of Grenfell, North-West Territories, Thomas Copland and J .A. Smith, of Saskatoon, Isaac Jones, of Pheasant Forks, North-West Territories, S.A. Bedford, of Brandon, Manitoba, Rev. F.R. Hole, of Halse, Minnedosa, Manitoba, and William H. Weston, of Lor lie, Manitoba. 14 The attacks of the red turnip beetle continued for several more years, until in 1893 Fletcher finally conceded that the pests were indigenous to the prairies. He reached this conclusion because someone had found its native food plant. Thomas Copland of Saskatoon, an ardent gardener and careful observer, was the first to find the eggs of the insect. He later discovered that it fed, in nature, on the smallflowered, prairie wallflower. Today, the red turnip beetle, Entomoscelisamericana, is still one of the principal pests in western Canada, and especially of rapeseed, the 'Cinderella' crop of the prairies. Many other insects in the West absorbed Fletcher's attention during the 1890s. Cutworms, in particular, were a constant menace and, in addition to the red-backed cutworm, farmers began to lose cereal crops to other species. In 1893, John Stewart of Regina lost twenty acres of wheat to Agrotis campestris; William Richardson of Douglas, Manitoba, lost thirty acres of wheat to the same species of insect. 15 No satisfactory control for cutworms was known at that time. The red-back cutworm and its related ally, the pale western cutworm, were to become one of the most economically important and ostentatious enigmas to crop production that the West has ever known. Their ravages became colossal following the settlement of the area: the planted domestic crops were used selectively as food by the worms who had become adapted to them after subsisting on native vegetation from prehistoric times. The excessive crop losses and the appeals for help from the farmers were the major reasons for the establishment of a federal entomological research laboratory in southern Alberta in 1913. By 1893 the Colorado potato beetle had become established north of the 49th parallel. Although the damage to potatoes was never very severe or widespread, the presence of the 'potato bugs,' even in small numbers, was always viewed with alarm. The slow invasion of Manitoba by the beetles, from 1890, became progressively more advanced, so that in August of most years in the mid-189os the potato plants literally disappeared from view. Again, control was limited, usually confined to hand

66 The first professionals picking of the larvae and/or spraying with Paris green, the arsenical insecticide of the day. Most of the settlers produced large families and it was not uncommon to see all the children out in the potato patch, each armed with a pail. Kerosene, or light oil, or water in the bottom of the pail, served to entrap the bugs as they were knocked off the plants and into the container. Many potato crops were saved by this method of control. Of course, each farm had its flock of chickens. The fowl were encouraged to stroll through the farmyard and garden, including the potato patch, so that they might help themselves to any and all unwelcome insect pests. One conspicuous insect, which always prompted the writing ofletters to Fletcher, was the large, metallic, blue-green, blister beetle, Lytta nucalli. When present on one of their native host plants, the vetches, they would literally cover the plant, causing the leaves and branches to droop from the sheer weight of numbers. These insects, in most settlements in the southern prairies, had assumed the role of a pest insect by 1 890. Broad beans, horse beans, and most of the garden beans were usually attacked. Reports reaching Fletcher in 1892 indicated that they were unusually numerous, extending north as far as Saskatoon, as reported by Thomas Copland and G.L. Smith, and Winslow, Alberta, as reported by Christopher Halliday. The insects continued to appear in large numbers the following year, causing considerable damage to gardens in the Qu' Appelle valley, east to Brandon. 16 Such incidents and for the most part these would be minor outbreaks - were to continue for many years thereafter. On 5 July 1895, Fletcher made a discovery, monumental in its impact on western agriculture. While on a trip through the prairies, he stopped off at Indian Head, in the North-West Territories, to do some insect collecting. In so doing he captured the adults of the wheat stem sawfly, Cephus cinctus, an apparently routine addition to the ever-lengthening list of species found in western Canada. On 6 August 1896, one year, one month, and one day after the initial capture, Fletcher received a package from Jack Wenman of Souris, Manitoba. In it were wheat stems containing the nearly full-grown larvae of the same insect species. Now Fletcher was certain that a new insect pest was threatening the production of wheat in the 'bread basket' of Canada. The following year, 1897, Fletcher offered confirmation: 'perfect flies of Cephus pygmaeus [as it was called then] were reared from straws sent from Souris, Man., by Mr. Wenman, thus proving without doubt the identity of the species which injured Mr. Wenman's wheat last year. During the past summer some harm was done by the same insect near Indian Head, N.W.T.' 17 The wheat stem sawfly was to become the number one pest on the prairies. It was one fundamental reason why the federal government expanded its entomological service by hiring staff and establishing regional laboratories in the prairie provinces.

67 James Fletcher, Dominion Entomologist Fletcher was already assured of the pest status of at least 15 species of cutworm that could, did, and would continue to damage garden and field crops. Now he had just been made aware of the fact that the wheat stem sawfly was a colossal threat to wheat production.

In 1898, grasshoppers, the ageless plague, once more loomed threateningly on the horizon. In the autumn of 1897 female grasshoppers that had alighted with a swarm were seen laying eggs on the farm of John Scott of Deloraine, Manitoba. From these eggs a sufficient number of grasshoppers had hatched in the spring of 1898 to inflict damage to some cereal crops. Other farmers living along the base of the Turtle Mountains also noticed the presence of increasing numbers of grasshoppers. Following the instructions of Sydney Fisher, Minister of Agriculture, and at the invitation of Premier Greenway of Manitoba, accompanied by Hugh McKellar, Chief Clerk of the Manitoba Department of Agriculture, Fletcher made a survey of the area and visited all known grasshopper-infested localities.18 This was probably the first official grasshopper abundance survey conducted in western Canada, a type of survey, now modified, still conducted each year on the prairies. The results of that survey showed that only a small strip of territory, lying north of the Turtle Mountains, was infested. Of greater significance was the fact that the species was identified as the Rocky Mountain locust. None but the old timers could remember ever seeing this 'hateful locust' in injurious numbers before, because the last great outbreak had occurred twenty-three years earlier, in 1875. However, John Scott, the farmer, recognized it, and promptly spread rows of dry straw across the infested land. After the young nymphs had congregated there for the night the straw was lighted and the insects destroyed. Other farmers were not so diligent, knowledgeable, or alert, and considerable damage was done to some crops. Parasites were found among the grasshoppers and hopes were high that they would kill their hosts and the plague would soon be over. The following year, 1899, Fletcher again inspected the area from Boissevain to Deloraine and south, together with Hugh McKellar and Professor Otto Lugger, State Entomologist, from the University of Minnesota. They again confirmed the presence of the Rocky Mountain locust, Melanoplus spretus, as well as the lesser migratory grasshopper, Melanoplus sanguinipes, formerly called atlanis. Although most of the farmers followed the recommended cultural control practices, a few did not and their crops were affected. However, the damage was minimal. This second year of increased grasshopper activity is notable because it afforded Canadian farmers the opportunity to use the hopper-dozer. This was a contrivance, shaped much like the scoop of a modern-day front-end loader, but which was dragged across the ground with horses. Grasshoppers that jumped up before it landed in the 'bucket,' the bottom of which was covered with kerosene, coal-tar, or

68 The first professionals water. These 'machines' had been used to good advantage in the 1870s in the midwestern United States and as many as 18 different models and types were described by C.V. Riley, the United States Entomologist.' 9 The farmers that used the hopper-dozers caught many bushels of grasshoppers from the margins of their grain fields. Many, however, were not caught and took to flight. A.S. Barton of Boissevain 'saw them leaving by flight one fine afternoon, coming from the north-west and flying south-east." 0 It was necessary to determine if this species really had 'permanent breeding grounds.' If this 'permanent' ground included the area north of and surrounding the Turtle Mountains, then the increased populations in 1898--99 could be the initial sign of a population explosion oflocusts that could readily devastate the country as it had in former years. Fletcher and Lugger had confirmed, in June, that the species was spretus. Professor Hunter, a special agent of the United States Department of Agriculture, was dispatched in late July to 'examine and report.' He made his 'survey' and concluded that the region of Manitoba was not a permanent breeding ground of spretus because there were too much vegetation, too many trees, and too little favourable breeding ground." In addition to this, many flew away and damage was minimal, so that the threat of the return of the 'imperious hateful locust' was unfounded. There were other species present that would have to be watched, because in them and in their capabilities for destruction lay the real hazard to crop production. In retrospect, Hunter's conclusion was prophetic. Melanoplus spretus was never again to attain the immense population numbers, the innumerable swarms, that once darkened the skies and covered the plains of western Canada. Their days were numbered as fewer and fewer were in evidence, and more and more were hustled off to oblivion. The last known specimens were collected in south-western Manitoba by Norman Criddle in 1902. 'Although locusts or grasshoppers appeared in the Turtle Mountain district during the seasons of 1898 and 1899, no alarming injury was done by them. This season, [1900] ... they appeared in dangerous numbers in the districts skirting the Assiniboine and Souris Rivers.' 22 At the urgent request of the Manitoba Minister of Agriculture, Fletcher was once more invited to come from Ottawa to assess the grasshopper situation. He toured the affected districts, saw the many infested fields, and was fully prepared to find large swarms of the Rocky Mountain locust. However, he found that only three native species were causing almost all the trouble. In only one place did he find the 'hateful locust,' at Douglas, Manitoba. 23 Near Douglas and the hamlet of Aweme, Hugh McKellar introduced Fletcher to Norman Criddle. The Criddles were the pioneers of the district, having arrived from England in 1882. Percy Criddle, the 'Governor', and his four sons, Norman, Evelyn, Stuart, and Talbot, were all inclined toward natural history, as well as being

69 James Fletcher, Dominion Entomologist liberally self-educated and proficient in the arts and music. Their biographies have been superbly presented by Talbot's daughter, Alma.24 When Fletcher and Norman Criddle met, the latter was a young man of 25. His natural talents as an artist - particularly his painting of botanical subjects - and his devoted attention to, observations of, and respect for all of nature's creations made him one of the best informed and most respected 'naturalists' of Canada. Having collected insects with LE. Marmont, H.W. Boger, A.W. Hanham, and later with J.B. Wallis, he was well acquainted with classical entomology. Now his efforts were to be channelled more and more into practical, or economic entomology, for his chance association with Fletcher was to last a lifetime. Spurred by the grasshopper invasion of 1898 Criddle and a neighbour, Harry Vane, to whom he gives the credit of invention, 'invented a machine somewhat similar to the hopper-dozer, only longer. It is made of sheet iron and burns wood.' Percy Criddle described it thus in his diary: Boys making a great pan ten feet by two and a half feet, which is to contain burning wood and be drawn by two horses. They expect it will be an immense success with the hoppers, and it will certainly be a novelty. It has no wheels so will glide right on the top of the ground, having a low sleigh-like lip in :ront and back about one foot high - also sides seven or eight inches high, the whole being made of sheet iron, bars, etc. etc.25

The 'burner' was as great a success as the 'hopper-dozer' - many farmers were using the latter in 'all parts of the country.' The Manitoba Department of Agriculture assisted farmers in the control of grasshoppers by 'supplying them with hopper dozers and coal oil necessary in using the same.' The best method of control was to poison the grasshoppers with a bait mixture of bran dampened by arsenic-treated water. Norman Criddle stated that the Paris green and bran mixture was 'far superior to anything else we tried. It was first used here with success by Mr. Harry Vane of this place [Awemel.' The phenomenal success of the poisoned bait led to it being hailed as one of the great aids to mankind in the twentieth century. Now the farmer need not fear the locust, for he had a preparation at hand that offered excellent control of the pest and reliable protection of his crops. The following spring of 1901, Hugh McKellar wrote Fletcher, on 15 April, saying, 'I have received a report from the Stockton and Treesbank districts that young grasshoppers are hatching out in millions.' 26 Norman Criddle expected them to be as bad as in the previous year, so the Department of Agriculture in Winnipeg sent out Paris green to areas where baiting was necessary. By 17 June 1901, 1000 pounds of the arsenical had been sent out. 27 Fifty pounds were sent to the Criddle homestead for immediate use against the hoppers and also for experimental purposes.

70 The first professionals

Whenever the provincial government sent out Paris green for grasshopper control, it always included a recipe for the preparation of the poisoned bait. This recipe had been arrived at by Norman Criddle and Harry Vane by meticulous experimentation. It consisted of One part Paris green, one part salt (the locusts will not eat it without), and eleven parts of bran. Mix into a mash, adding as much water as the stuff will hold. Spread in as small lumps as possible. We generally use a trowel or thin piece of iron. Get a little of the mixture on the edge and then fling so that it will spread some 15 yards. A pound of Paris green should make enough mixture to spread a strip two miles long by 15 yards wide. Fresh stuff should be spread every two days. 28

Ever mindful of costs, they continued to experiment. In his diary Norman Criddle wrote: 'I, in company with Harry Vane, discovered a simple remedy for killing locusts.' It was the modified version of arsenic-poisoned bran. It was described as: The poison mixture as now used by us consists of I part of Paris green, 2 of salt, and 35 to 40 of horse dung (by measure). Mix thoroughly, adding enough water to make soft, without being sloppy. Scatter well, in quantity according to the number of locusts. They will be attracted for at least 40 feet by the smell. The horse dung is preferable when fresh, but will do several weeks old, even after being washed considerably by rain. 29

The 'Criddle Mixture,' as the horse manure-poisoned bait mixture was called, was hailed as another great discovery of the century. Fletcher was so impressed by its effectiveness, simplicity, and the availability of ingredients that he suggested it be an 'official' government recommendation, even to farmers in Ontario and British Columbia. He stated: Mr. Criddle's investigations and experiments are of great interest and his discovery that horse droppings may with advantage be substituted for bran is of great practical value. This material is always available on a farm, while bran, which was formerly used as the best vehicle for distributing the poison, costs money and is neither so suitable for holding the poison nor so attractive to the locusts. Mr. Criddle was led to experiment with horse droppings from noticing that locusts flocked to this material whenever it was found lying on roadways. The mixture of horse droppings, salt and Paris green is undoubtedly the most attractive, fatal and cheap remedy for locusts which I have ever seen used. It is easily distributed with a trowel, or wooden paddle, from a barrel placed in a wagon and driven round the edge of a field. It can be readily scattered for a distance of 20 or 30 feet out into the crop, by a person standing in the wagon.30

71 James Fletcher, Dominion Entomologist

In the spring of 1902, when grasshoppers once more hatched out in millions, especialy in areas where baiting was poorly done the previous year, McKellar hired Norman Criddle to 'assist farmers interested in the proper use of the Paris green mixture.' 31 Small, isolated populations of the Rocky Mountain locust were still to be found, and, strangely enough, these remained in the Douglas-Treesbank area, where Criddle could keep his eye on them. Still the innovator, and never satisfied that the highest level of efficiency with the lowest cost figure had been reached, Criddle continued his experimentation with the 'Criddle Mixture,' even though other duties with the department kept him away from home. Fletcher and McKellar were also interested in finding out if a cheaper grasshopper bait mixture could be produced, one that would be less toxic to warmblooded animals, and still be as effective as the one in use. Criddle wrote: 'With regard to the strength of Paris green mixture I had not much time to experiment personally at home; but experiments conducted by my brother, Evelyn Criddle, show that undoubtedly 60 parts horse droppings can be used to one of Paris green (by measure), and probably 75 parts.' 32 With this type of experimentation completed, the authorities considered the 'Criddle Mixture' completely satisfactory. The Manitoba Department of Agriculture endorsed it, saying: 'As sufficient experimenting has now been done by the Department, supplying Paris green, farmers in future will have to use the remedy for destroying locusts at their own expense.' 33 In 1903 the grasshopper plague was quite diminished. Natural predators and parasites had decimated populations to low levels and relatively few farmers had to use poison baiting mixtures. Criddle and Vane also succeeded in solving another major problem. It was quite common for grasshoppers and crickets to chew the twine that kept the grain tied in bundles. This untying effect, especially when it occurred to bundles that were stooked, greatly increased the amount of work while threshing and the amount of grain lost while handling. Criddle and Vane were contemplating the use of a poison, incorporated in the twine, which would kill the insects when they chewed on it. Because so little of the twine would be eaten and ingested the poisoning method was not deemed to be useful, particularly given the potential danger of having poisoned twine lying about the farmstead. Harry Vane experimented with repellents. Using copper sulphate (bluestone), he and Norman Criddle tried soaking the balls of twine in various concentrations of the solution. They finally hit upon a recipe which they termed effective, and submitted the following to the Dominion Entomologist: 'Soak the balls of twine in a solution of 2 pounds of bluetone to 12 gallons of water for half an hour, then dry thoroughly.' 34 This was another 'first' for Criddle and his associates in their constant struggle against the locust.

72 The first professionals

By 1904 the 'saga' of the six-year locust outbreak on the prairies had come to an end. The period had been of sufficient length to test and prove the value of new control methods. It was of significance because it permitted Criddle, the unknown entomologist, to emerge and demonstrate his remarkable abilities that were to dominate much of the entomological scene in western Canada for the next thirty years. It also marked the permanent demise of Melanoplus spretus. The last few individuals disappeared from the fields in southern Manitoba in 1902. Fletcher collaborated with provincial officials and devoted amateurs in the handling of a wide variety of insect pests, the most notable being the cutworm and the San Jose scale. At the turn of the century Fletcher estimated that there probably were one hundred different kinds of common insect pests in Canada. 35 Some would appear in injurious numbers in some region every year. He also indicated that sufficient biological information was on hand concerning 95 per cent of these pests and that immediate recommendations for their control could be made. These statistics suggest that there were serious outbreaks of insects other than the locusts. Some of these other insect pests were the cutworms. Of the fifteen or more species the red-backed cutworm, Euxoa ochrogastcr,had proven its pest capabilities across the southern Canadian prairies. It remained a serious pest of cereals for many years to come. The surprise insect pest of 1900 on the Pacific coast was the variegated cutworm, Peridroma saucia. The worm and its damage, especially to garden crops, were reported not only from British Columbia but also from many parts of Manitoba and Ontario. No one had been aware of increased populations in 1899, the year previous, so that the suddenness of attack caught everyone by surprise. It was reported to the British Columbia Department of Agriculture by Tom Wilson. In one of the earliest recorded references to insects on Lulu Island in the mouth of the Fraser River near Vancouver, we are told that Wilson stated that the potato tops on Lulu Island were being devoured by some insect, but which, in spite of diligent search, could not be detected. Suspecting the cause, I [Anderson] advised looking for the culprit at night with lanterns, this was done with the expected result. Not suspecting the infestation to be widespread, I merely recommended the treatment usually followed ... The sweetened bran poisoned with Paris green ... was found to be most effectual. Unfortunately, the supply of Paris green, not only in this province but in the adjoining states and California, was not equal to the demands, in consequence of which great havoc was wrought before a supply could be received from the East ... The numbers of caterpillars were simply incredible, in places the surface of the ground was described as a moving mass, and where they were poisoned in any number the stench was unendurable. On account of their numbers and the consequent scarcity of food, they soon relinquished their natural nocturnal

73 James Fletcher, Dominion Entomologist and non-climbing habits, and myriads could be seen crossing the dusty roads in the heat of the day in search of food; fruit trees, if not protected, were ascended, and the fruit as well as the leaves, consumed. Naturally green succulent food was first consumed, but, as that got scarce, anything and everything was attacked; after consuming the tops of potatoes, turnips, onions, carrots, and such things, the tubers were attacked. Potatos which were well matured and those which were quite late, escaped with the least loss; carrots and onions suffered very severely. The potato crop was probably reduced one-third, and other root-crops in proportion. The second crop of clover was almost entirely destroyed. 36

Such an incredible outbreak of worms had never before occurred in British Columbia. In addition to the loss subtained, the mere sight of the crawling hordes severely taxed the sensibilities of the citizens. The insects were fought at every turn, with poisoned bait and water traps, and when the lawns in front of the Government Buildings in Victoria were found to be swarming with them, rollers were used to crush them by the thousands. The 'execrated old Crow came in for a word of praise when they assiduously cleaned up the same lawn in the days following. Other wild birds, such as the Blue Jay, came to the aid of the farmers, as did the domestic chickens, ducks, and at Agassiz, the pigs.' 37 By 1901 the pest had virtually disappeared: the natural enemies of the cutworm, disease and parasites and predators, had led to its demise. Fletcher's other great insect foe was the small, insidious, scale insect, known from the valley in California, the San Jose scale. By 1897 its presence in British Columbia was confirmed. Because of its killing effect on fruit trees, and its persistence and survival on shade trees, it probably was very accurately named by scientists Quadra aspidiotus perniciosus - a truly pernicious pest. To view the whole saga of the scale insect from its rightful perspective, one must go back a few years before the turn of the century. The British Columbia Fruit Growers' Association had been formed in 1889 to protect and foster the fruit-growing industry in the west-coast province. It was vitally concerned about the importation of infested fruit or nursery stock, and its members began to agitate for legislation that would protect the growers from the entry of foreign pests, both insects and disease. In 1892 the legislature enacted The Horticultural Board Act, permitting the appointment of an 'Inspector of Fruit Pests', with the authority to reject and destroy all potentially dangerous, insectinfested, horticultural stock that reached Britsh Columbia ports of entry. Ernest Hutcherson was the first Inspector. R.M. Palmer succeeded Hutcherson in 1894 and in turn was replaced by Thomas Cunningham in 1906. To safeguard the rapidly expanding fruit-growing industry from the introduction of more pests from outside the province, a quarantine station was built in Vancouver

74 The first professionals in 1895. It was used for the inspection of all nursery stock that passed into the province from beyond its borders. In 1896, all fruit trees and vegetation that were suspected, or confirmed to be infested, were fumigated. The fumigation operation and the port inspection were supervised by Thomas Cunningham, while the tree-totree inspection of orchards was handled by R.M. Palmer until 1904. It is largely due to the efforts of these two men that British Columbia was relatively free of imported insect pests during the initial expansion of the fruit-growing industry. It was during some energetic sleuthing in the orchards, in and around Victoria in 1896, that R.M. Palmer detected the presence of an unknown scale insect on some fruit trees in two of the orchards. Previous to that, the scale had been found at Kelowna, on the shore of Okanagan Lake, in 1894. Palmer ordered the trees destroyed because he was certain that the infestation was the San Jose scale. He stated the same in his annual report to the British Columbia Minister of Agriculture. When this report also reached Fletcher in Ottawa he became 'intensely interested in your record of the San Jose Scale on Vancouver Island,' and requested a sample of the scale so that its identity could be verified. Such a sample was submitted by Palmer, and when Fletcher acknowledged it he also certified that it was the dreaded 'pernicious' scale. Fletcher's sense of humour did not fail: he remarked to Palmer, who had just become the proud father of a son, 'I suppose you won't name the latter "San Jose,'' in commemoration of your historic discovery.' 38 Fletcher, being the thorough person he was, transmitted the sample of scale to L.O. Howard, Chief Entomologist, United States Department of Agriculture, in Washington, an expert entomologist and a specialist in identifying scale insects. Howard confirmed the identification. This menacing scale insect was established on the Canadian west coast and was in a postion to devastate the fruit crops. The scale insect had already been firmly established in eastern Canada where orchards in Chatham had received the initial infestation in 1894 on Simoni plum trees imported as nursery stock from Parry's Nurseries of New Jersey. 39 The orchards infested in Victoria undoubtedly had received nursery stock bearing the scales and these had arisen from shipments made from California or Washington. The threat to fruit trees was imminent. If it became widespread it could effectively wipe out the orchards on the island. Palmer and his associates were attempting to stamp out the infestation by having all infested trees removed and burned. Other trees were treated with salt, sulphur, and lime spray to kill the insects on the trees. This, however, would not insure against further infestation by inadvertent importation, although it would prevent the spread of insects to other orchards in the vicinity. Fruit growers were getting alarmed and were beginning to demand that a complete boycott be instituted against all nursery stock from known infested regions. Even the Dominion Entomologist was beseeched to take action. Because an embargo of American nursery stock could have serious diplomatic, trade, and scientific repercussions, the situation required some delicate handling.

75 James Fletcher, Dominion Entomologist The United States Congress was drafting at about the same time its own legislation to stop interstate shipments of infested nursery stock and produce. Canadians, and especially the British Columbia Fruit Growers' Association, were insisting on the complete exclusion of all plants and produce from the United States, and especially from California. It was felt that the scale would be carried on imported plums, apples, and so on, and British Columbia and Ontario fruit growers were insisting on preventive legislation. Even the politicians were being assailed by their constituents, demanding that something be done. These, especially Sidney Fisher, Minister of Agriculture, in turn sought Fletcher's advice. Fletcher told Fisher that the scale could be carried on both the imported nursery stock and on fruit, but that the latter method posed no threat to the Canadian fruit growers. By January 1898 the San Jose scale legal documents were being drawn up, and details were being verified. Fletcher was a constant source of information, for he wrote Fisher outlining what should be in the legislation. Referring to our conversation of yesterday, after a discussion of the matter of prohibitive legislation against the San Jose Scale with Dr. Saunders, I have the honour to suggest the following classes of plants be exempted from prohibition by the San Jose Scale Act: i. Green house plants ( with the exception of roses) ii. Herbaceous perennials iii. Bedding plants. With regard to strawberry plants, in which there is a very large trade between Canada and the United States, we cannot yet find any sufficient evidence that there is the slightest danger from the importation of these plants, and would, therefore, suggest that the Customs Officials be instructed to consider these as 'herbaceous perennials,' which, indeed they are literally. Bulbs, tubers, and root stocks such as cannas, Irises, paeonies, might also be mentioned in these instructions, although they are not included within the usual technical interpretation of the word 'plant.' The countries known to be infested by the San Jose Scale are - Japan, Australia, Hawaii, and the United States.40

Fisher presented Bill 82, the San Jose Scale Act, to the House of Commons on 16 March 1898. He insisted that nursery stock from any part of the United States, as well as from Hawaii, Japan, and Australia, was affected by the bill. The latter countries would be designated in specific orders-in-council at a later date. He made a plea for the immediate passage of the bill so that importers would not take advantage of a delay and rush in many carloads of stock that could possibly be infested. In spite of one objection, opinion was overwhelmingly in favour of quick passage of the bill, even if a few individuals were hurt financially. The opposition supported the bill; it passed in one day, and was given royal assent on 18 March.

76 The first professionals The act prohibited the importation of 'trees, shrubs, plants, vines, grafts, cuttings or buds, commonly called nursery stock, from countries in which the San Jose Scale was known to exist.' On the same day, orders-in-council named the United States, Australia, Japan, and the Hawaiian Islands as countries to which the act applied; and exempted the following plants from operations of the act: greenhouse plants with the exception of roses, herbaceous perennials, herbaceous bedding plants, all conifers, bulbs and tubers.4' Pressure from eastern Canadian fruit growers to ease or retract the legislation had no effect. Prime Minister Laurier commended Fisher's actions and the passage of Bill 82. However, the work of the lobbyists continued. Pressure was applied to Clifford Sifton to see if he could get scale-susceptible trees imported into Manitoba, an area which was not really a fruit-growing area. Fisher stood firm, negating the request, and was supported in this stand by Fletcher. R.M. Palmer, the British Columbia Provincial Inspector of Fruit Pests, had been able to keep the scale out of his province. The provincial department and others wanted some nursery stock with which to experiment, and requested a ministerial order to sanction the importation of restricted vegetation. Palmer asked Fletcher's advice on this matter, and Fletcher, though praising the work of Palmer's branch, said the act was being strictly enforced, and even he had suffered because of it. The terms of the act were strictly adhered to in order to determine if the scale pest could be eradicated at home, and no more were to be allowed entry to start new infestations. In British Columbia, primarily through the vigilance of Palmer and Cunningham, operating under the capable and entomologically minded Deputy Minister, J.R. Anderson, the dreaded scale could make no headway. Any, and all, reports of suspected infestations were immediately checked out by Palmer. By the end of 1900 he was able to report to Fletcher: 'You will be glad to know that there is no San Jose Scale in the province. Reports of the presence of this dreaded pest from Salt Spring Island and Cowichan district, upon investigation, proved to be unfounded.' 42 Fletcher was active in the effort to provide long-term protection against San Jose scale and other pests. In 1900, federal authorities took a further stand against the scale and all other destructive insect pests. On 4 April an act was passed to amend the San Jose Scale Act. This provided for the naming of ports of entry at which nursery stock from countries to which the act applied would be fumigated with hydrocyanic acid (HCN) gas. It had been discovered that the scale could be killed by the cyanide gas, and many fruit-growers, horticultural societies, nurserymen, and others had urged that it be used and that import restrictions be lifted. A further order-in-council of 25 April permitted the importation of roses, in leaf and in a growing condition, which had been propagated under glass. The authorities were

77 James Fletcher, Dominion Entomologist certain that if scale-free stock were put in greenhouses, only scale-free material would emerge. The Minister of Agriculture instructed that proper fumigating houses be built in the spring of the year at such points of the international boundary as would be most convenient to importers. Qualified superintendents were appointed at each of these stations, where nursery stock, trees, shrubs, and other plants that arrived for import could be treated with the gas for forty-five minutes. After treatment the material was repacked and sent to its destination. The expense of the operation was assumed by the government, but 'all shipments were made entirely at the risk of the shippers or consignees, the government assuming no risk whatever.' 43 Fumigating houses were built and operated in western Canada at Winnipeg and Vancouver. The latter was late in construction and was not operating in the spring, but it was kept open nearly all winter from 15 October 1900 to 15 March 1901. Thereafter the Vancouver station operated from I October to I May. The Winnipeg station operated from 15 March to 15 May and from I October to 7 December. A.K. Leith was appointed superintendent of the Winnipeg station; Tom Wilson was in charge at Vancouver. Provincial authorities had been operating a fumigating station in Vancouver; now federal authorities were also operating one. The two stations had the same function, and some people worried about waste. However, it soon became clear that the federal station, under Tom Wilson, concerned itself with the San Jose scale, while the operations performed by Cunningham in the provincial station involved a complete line of inspection and fumigation of all material that might be afflicted with insects and/or disease. 44 By order-in-council of 23 March 1900 and 31 May 1901, the Dakota cottonwood, or 'necklace poplar,' Populus monolifera, was to be admitted at the custom houses of Brandon and Winnipeg without fumigation. However, all nursery stock imported through the mails was subject to inspection and fumigation. Under the regulations enforced up to this time, the San Jose scale was almost completely curtailed. Although some further trouble was encountered in eastern Canada only two cases were discovered in British Columbia by 1908. 45 One infestation was found at Kaslo on Kootenay Lake. The afflicted orchard was carefully sprayed by the Inspector of Fruit Pests, thereby eliminating the hazard. The other infestation was found at Spence's Bridge and proved to be very severe. Apparently the scale had been there since 1894, four years before the act was passed. The orchard in which the scale was found was cut down; all the material was burned. This drastic action completely eliminated the scale from the area, leaving British Columbia scalefree eleven years after the first known introduction of the pest into the province. Although some parts of Canada perhaps had their major insect pests reduced in number, to the point of near extinction, official entomologists and interested

78 The first professionals amateurs did not relax their vigilance. Experiences of the past had shown that most of the harmful insect enemies of crops, forest, and man could and would return. Most vigilant of all was the Dominion Entomologist, who felt responsible for the welfare of many who would be affected by insects. Dr. L.O. Howard, United States Chief Entomologist, expressed constant amazement that one man, Fletcher, could serve the entomological needs of a nation. Furthermore, he was surprised that a government would expect him to do so.46 It is entirely due to the remarkable genius of the man, his exceptional organizational ability, effervescent public speaking, his keen and analytical perceptual acumen, and a dedicated sense of loyalty to the aims of public service to agriculture that so much was accomplished. J.A. Guignard, Fletcher's assistant since 1892, was primarily involved in performing the duties of the Dominion Botanist. In I 899 Arthur Gibson was appointed to be Fletcher's assistant in entomology. One of the duties of the Dominion Entomologist was to make a representative collection of all injurious and beneficial insects of Canada. Gibson was an 'enthusiastic collector and an expert at mounting and preparing specimens.' 47 His expertise was fully utilized in the years that followed, and the collection that was started at that time has become the worldrenowned repository of insects known as the Canadian National Collection. Only Fletcher and Gibson were on hand to investigate the national insect pest potential and the life history and control of all insects that indicated noxious tendencies. Many of these were native pests, homegrown insects that had taken a liking to the domestic crops and gardens of the settlers. Others were brought into the country, either with settlers' effects or in imported materials. Some simply spread across the border, as did the Colorado potato beetle, and no amount of customs or immigration vigilance would stop such unwanted invasions. All Fletcher could do was to rely on his many correspondents to keep him informed of the insect situation, and to recommend those common sense control methods that were tried and true remedies, and thus keep the injurious insects at the lowest possible level of population. This, of course, meant insect control, probably with chemicals, of which Fletcher remarked: At the time the Experimental Farm system was organized, the words 'spraying' and 'spraying pump' were actually unknown as the names of a method and implement for distributing poisonous liquids in a fine state of division to protect plants against parasitic enemies. Largely through the work of this Div£,ion, the benefits of this work have been made known and insisted upon, even at times against outspoken and inexplicable opposition by men holding prominent places among fruit-growers and farmers ... Undoubtedly one of the most important discoveries which has ever been made in practical entomology and horticulture is the utility of the arsenites as destroyers of leaf-eating insects. This, added to the invention of the spray-

79 James Fletcher, Dominion Entomologist ing nozzle ... Nothing has been yet brought forward of greater general utility and safety than Paris green. 48

Thus with men and tools at hand, Canada could look forward to reliable and effective control of her noxious insect pests. In 1908 Fletcher reviewed the progress of entomology, the many threats of insect outbreaks, and the control recently effected by man: The injurious insects of the Dominion have all been carefully studied by experts in the Department. Not only, too, has special attention been given to those kinds which devastate crops, and thus materially lessen the profits of the farmers, but much valuable research work has been done on those insects which are distinctly beneficial and therefore friends of the agriculturist and horticulturist ... Information has been at once made known to the farmers and others, by the publication of departmental pamphlets or special articles in the agricultural and daily press. Fumigation stations have been erected at important ports of entry, along the border where nursery stock, on entering Canada, is fumigated with hydrocyanic gas, to kill the dreaded San Jose Scale. The history of the Mediterranean Flour Moth which first appeared in Canada in 1889, was investigated and the advantage of freezing the insects by opening the mills to the cold of winter was pointed out among other remedies. The cigar case-bearer of the apple was first studied in 1891, and further original observations were made in 1894. The Hop Vine Borer, which did so much damage in the hop fields in 1892, was studied and the habits of the insect made known. The same year, new facts were learned regarding the life history of the Red Turnip Beetle, which is a bad pest to cruciferous crops in the western prairie provinces. In 1894, the injurious Pea Moth was investigated ... The Joint Worm, which attacks wheat, was investigated in 1895 and valuable information was obtained on the habits of this enemy of this important cereal ... Mention of the Wheat-stem Maggot in Canada, was first made known by the Department in 1896, when an outbrealcwhich occurred in the Northwest was studied ... In 1897 the San Jose Scale was given much study and a long account of it was published'for the benefit of horticulturists and nursery men. In 1898 the Rocky Mountain Locust did much damage in southern Manitoba and required special investigation by the Department. The following year the Hessian Fly appeared in the spring wheat fields of Manitoba, and called for much study. The same year, the destructive Pea Aphis first appeared in Canada, as did also the Asparagus Beetles ... [In 1900] one of the most remarkable outbreaks of an injurious Cutworm, occurred in British Columbia, and did damage in this province and the adjoining States to the south estimated at over $2,000,000. In 1901, new observations on the life habits of the Variable Cutworm were published, as also information on a new enemy of conifers, known scientifically as Semiophora youngi. The Sugar Beet Webworm was studied in 1903, owing to

80 The first professionals the damage it did in Manitoba. Special attention was also given to the White marked Tussock Moth which has done so much harm to shade trees in many Canadian cities ... The Rusty Tussock Moth also called for special investigation in 1907, as did the Hop Flea Beetle which has been so very destructive in the hop yards of British Columbia. Besides the above, injurious insects upon which the Department has done special work, the commoner and better known enemies of the farmer, fruit grower, etc. have been carefully studied, and numerous articles published on such, as the Codling Moth, the Plum Curculio, the Colorado Potato Beetle, the Root Maggots, Grasshoppers, Oyster-shell Scale, White Grubs, Pea Weevils, Flea Beetles, etc. etc. 49

With Fletcher at the helm the future of entomology in Canada appeared to be bright and assuring. His sudden death, however, on 8 November 1908, marked the end of an era.

5

The North-West(Canada) EntomologicalSociety

Near the end of the nineteenth century settlers had been pouring into western Canada at a steady pace. In 1877 John Macoun, who travelled through the west and extolled the virtues and productivity of prairie land, was called a fool, nay, a criminal fool, for wanting people to come into the territories. These doubts had long been dispelled, particularly when by 1904 more than 60 million bushels of wheat had been produced in Palliser's 'Canadian desert.' Now more and more settlers were immigrating to new lands. With the spread of immigration westward and northward, the insects followed, or at least they became noticed. Up to now these creatures had been largely ignored. Many insects were inadvertently imported in settlers' effects, in lumber, on domestic animals, or in packing material such as hay, straw, or grass. Settlers in the Alberta territory could have, and probably did, bring willing but undesirable and foreign insect guests with them; and each immigrant group had insect problems common to all. Thus it became apparent that all should become familiar with their insect enemies and learn the common methods of control. Among the settlers at Blackfalds, Alberta, near Lacombe, was an Englishman, Percy B. Gregson. He had extensive training, as well as a consuming interest in insects and natural history. Because he was a collector of insects he soon became aware of a number of other 'amateur' entomologists in the territories. In 1898, he, together with A.D. Gregson, F.H. Wolley-Dod, A.G. Wolley-Dod, N. Sanson, and a number of others, decided that more attention should be given to the noxious insects of the great northwest. They formed the North-West (Canada) Entomological Society, the principal aim of which was to interest and instruct the farmers of the region about the insects that would affect their persons, their animals, their crops, and their homes. The president of the new society was, as expected, Percy Gregson. The aims, objectives, and desires of the society were outlined, by letter, and sent to everyone

82 The first professionals

that the president thought would be interested or helpful in this new venture. L.O. Howard, Chief Entomologist of the United States Department of Agriculture, the bishop of Calgary and Saskatchewan, H.H. Lyman and Rev. C.J.S. Bethune of the Entomological Society of Ontario, F. Oliver, member of Parliament for Edmonton, and C.W. Peterson, Deputy Commissioner of Agriculture, Regina, were all contacted, and all pledged their support. All the early collectors of insects were represented on the membership roster. These included E.F. Heath, A.J. Dennis, A.W. Hanham, T.N. Willing, Rev. Mathew White, A.D. Gregson, Rev. J. Hinchcliffe, W. Wenham, F.H. Wolley-Dod, A.G. Wolley-Dod, and N.B. Sanson. Also joining were many interested local farmers. James Fletcher became aware of the society's existence through a letter forwarded to him.' Fletcher wrote to Gregson on 26 January 1899: I am delighted to hear of the formation of this Society. I did not know that there were a sufficient number of entomologists in the North-west Territories to form a Society. There are a few in Manitoba, and if you could send me a list of your members I might be able to give you the names of a few others interested in these matters who would be glad to join and assist you in your work. For my own part, I shall be glad to help you by naming specimens sent here for that purpose, and I may mention that all such may be sent to me free of postage. You probably understand the packing of butterflies in envelopes and the pinning of moths for transmission by mail.

Gregson lost no time in sending him the information requested. Fletcher replied on 14 February, You do indeed seem to have started with much enthusiasm, and if you get only a quarter of your members to do something at the work of collecting and making a list of the Lepidoptera of the North-west it will be grand work for science. I know Mr. Oliver, your Member, pretty well, having met him here, as well as in the West ... There is one man that you ought to secure as a member, - Mr. T.N. Willing, of Olds, Alta. He is an enthusiastic botanist and an excellent collector. He is now turning his attention to diurnals and has already a considerable number ... You seem to have got your Board of Directors down to the simplest form, and I should think that there would be little chance for jealousies or troubles among the Directors ... I shall indeed be much pleased to become an honorary member of your Society, and trust that your members will make every use of me possible. 2

This set the pace for the society and resulted in group enthusiasm seldom encountered in an organization. L.O. Howard sent them many bound, and unbound, reports and publications of the United States Department of Agriculture. E. Baynes Reed and C.J.S. Bethune sent the entire set of the reports of the Entomological

83 The North-West (Canada) Entomological Society Society of Canada; Fletcher donated a full set of his reports as Dominion Entomologist. A Mr Edmond sent the society a microscope. Not among the least of the gifts received by the society were specimens of insects. All the collectors eagerly donated some spare or extra specimens, some of which were common but others rare and valuable. Even the president, Gregson, added a number of printed works on geology, entomology, and botany. After this auspicious start, the society remained in high gear. Because its aim was to help the agricultural community and the farmers, it was particularly intent on having the backing of every local agricultural society. At the end of three years it had the support of the societies at Wetaskiwin, Lacombe, Red Deer, Innisfail, Olds, Calgary, Regina, Moose Jaw, and central Saskatchewan. 3 At the first annual meeting, held at Lacombe, Alberta, in the Agricultural Hall on 7 November 1899, Gregson outlined some of the work he wanted to see done, namely: (1) give, once a month, an illustrated lecture or sketch, in the localPublic Schoolsbefore the children and their parents on insect life or other phase of nature and its economicvalue. (2) to call quarterly meetings at different points of the members of the Society, to which the public will be specially invited, for interchange of experiences, etc., and receiving accounts of new insects and weeds. (3) to submit short papers for reading and discussion at the meetings of local Agricultural Societies.4 These were high ideals, but they were quite well attained. At the second annual meeting of the society, again held at Lacombe, on 16 January 1901, Percy Gregson could report some encouraging results. He had given twelve lectures or papers to farmers at various places in the Territories during the year. Five school 'sketches' were held and a field class of young folk had been started in Lacombe. This remarkable success was recognized by the territorial government in Regina. A grant of $25 was gifted to the society and was to be an annual award to bolster the objectives of the society. 5 The annual membership fee was set at $1. In 1900, the third year of operation, only 26 members paid their dues. The total expenses amounted to $89.50. After the territorial Government had contributed its grant of$25, a deficit of$38.50 faced the society. This amount was paid personally by Gregson. In fact, he met many of the financial obligations of the fledgling society in a similar manner. No balance-sheet or statement of expenditures was submitted after the first full year of operation because, 'In founding the Society the President elected to defray every expense, until its objects should have been appreciated, and a course of procedure formulated.' The work of the society was appreciated, whether there were guide-lines or

84 The first professionals not, and whether the funding was sufficient or not, for the president 'picked up' the deficit. Gregson's action in personally assuming the financial obligations of the society, in devoting all of his 'spare' time in bringing entomology to the people, and by being elected the only president the society ever had, indicated the unselfish devotion of the man to science and to his neighbour. At the third annual meeting of the society, at Lacombe on 9 November 1901, further progress was reported. Prizes, donated by James Fletcher and consisting of standard works in entomology, were offered the young people of Lacombe and district. Master Benjamin H. Howell of Lacombe took first prize for presenting the largest collection of insects. Master D.E. Tipping of Waghorn was awarded second prize for his collection of noxious and beneficial insects. Third prize, donated by the society, was presented to Miss Lucy McL. Howell of Lacombe, for having made the best collection of wild plants and weeds. One of the more successful projects completed by the society was in co-operation with T.N. Willing. A collection of ripe weed seeds, in labelled bottles, representing nearly every species of noxious weed in the Territories, was presented to each of the affiliated agricultural societies. This permitted every farmer to see what weeds he had to contend with in his district. Education was always uppermost in the minds of members of the society. Gregson was able to get three teachers from the Lacombe district actively interested in the work of the society. The school trustees also supported the aims of the organization and it was hoped that 'Nature Study' would be added to the curriculum, which it was in a year's time. Plans were also formulated to create natural history museums at the schools in Red Deer and Lacombe. The students were to make the collections and add to them every year. The Lacombe Field Club comprised 22 members by the time the fourth annual meeting was held in the Calgary High School on 5 November 1902. The Red Deer Field Club was also being organized. These clubs were more than just 'entomological clubs,' for many were present whose interests included all disciplines of natural history. It was therefore quite natural that the strictly entomologically oriented members were a shrinking minority. The astute president, Gregson, was aware of the diversity of interests of the members and the steady decline in the number of active members. At the end of the third year of its existence, the secretary-treasurer of the society had removed 30 names from the member's roll because membership dues had not been paid. Only 37 members helped the society by cash or kind. 6 The declining trend was of concern, but it was not hopeless. A plan had been formulated to save the society. It was proposed to change its objectives and the name, widen its sphere of interest and influence, and carry on.

85 The North-West (Canada) Entomological Society The financial sheet was once more in the 'red,' in the amount of $40. The previous year a deficit of$10, out of a total financial transaction of$6o, had been met by the president. Apparently the deficit of the 1902 fiscal year was too much for Gregson, for he did not 'pick up the tab.' The debt would have to remain a debt; it was time to take drastic action. Percy Gregson addressed the assembled members at the annual meeting once more. This time he had arrived, as he said, 'at one of the saddest episodes in the history of the Entomological Society, namely its suicide.' 7 He proposed the dissolution of the society, not to death and oblivion, but to a new restructured birth as a 'Natural History Society.' This would allow its members to function with greater scope for work and he hoped they would all transfer their allegiance to the proposed new society. On a motion by T.N. Willing, seconded by C.W. Peterson, and carried by the members, the society was dissolved, having lasted only five years, from 1898 to 1902. On a motion by Gregson, seconded by Wolley-Dod, and approved by the members present, a new society was born, the 'Territorial Natural History Society.' Gregson was elected first president of the new society; the debt of $40 of the old entomological society followed him into office. The old society, now subsumed in the new, had performed the invaluable task of bringing together many western entomologists - both 'amateur' and 'professional' and of encouraging in western Canada an awareness of the crucial role of insects and those who study them. Many members of the Entomological Society were to play important parts in the western expansion of the federal entomological service which began in earnest a decade later.

6

Westernexpansion: Hewitt, Criddle,and Strickland

Arthur Gibson, Chief Assistant to the Dominion Entomologist, was appointed Dominion Entomologist, pro tern, in succession to James Fletcher, on 26 January 1909. It soon became apparent that the scientific achievements and endeavours of the federal service had to be maintained at a superior level, and had to be led by a distinguished biologist. Gibson was only a junior entomologist, although he 'campaigned' vigorously for the job and had many influential American entomologists supporting his application. The search for a replacement was not conducted in the United States, and many Americans felt they had been snubbed. A search was made in Great Britain and on I May 1909 C. Gordon Hewitt of Manchester University was appointed. All eyes were now focused on the young man to see if he would measure up to the standards set by his predecessor. Because of unfinished business in England, Hewitt did not take up his official duties in Ottawa until after the summer, arriving on 16 September 1909. The job appeared formidable especially in view of the progress made in agriculture since settlement began in Canada. Fletcher had seemed to have unlimited energies which permitted him to carry the dual load of entomological and botanical duties, but Hewitt considered this to be too much for one man. Further, 'the need for further development of entomological work and investigation, and the increasing demands for advice, in addition to the increase of other duties of an administrative and executive character, necessitated the separation of the entomological and botanical work and the formation of a separate Division of Entomology." This separation permitted Hewitt to devote all of his energies to entomology, a task for which he was qualified, having received excellent basic academic training and a doctorate in zoology and entomology. With the birth of the new Division of Entomology, and an indication of increased demands and the need to further the development of entomological endeavours,

87 Western expansion: Hewitt, Criddle, and Strickland more problems loomed up to challenge the new regime. Early in January 1909, word was received from George G. Atwood, Chief of the Bureau of Horticulture, Department of Agriculture, at Albany, New York, that members of his staff had found winter nests containing larvae of the brown-tail moth, Nygmia phaeorrhoea, on fruit seedlings of European nursery stock. Inspection work was increased in New York and Ontario. When living larvae were detected by Gibson in shipments arriving in Canada, it became apparent that the federal entomological service would have to assist the provincial bodies in inspection and quarantine work. The San Jose Scale Act of 1898 gave the inspectors, such as Tom Wilson in Vancouver, the power to seize, hold, fumigate, or destroy all nursery stock infested with the scale. They did not have the legal right to do so if the vegetation was afflicted with any other kind of insect or disease. Furthermore, 'the sole purpose of the government federal fumigation houses is for the cleansing of the stock from the San Jose scale, and there is no legislation whatever of the same nature against any other insects." The government of British Columbia could, under provision of the Horticultural Board Act, condemn and destroy nursery stock upon which insects other than San Jose scale were found. Thus, by well-informed co-operation between the federal and provincial fumigating and inspection houses, all injurious insects could be kept out of British Columbia. However, this was not the case for any other province, save Ontario, which had legislation of its own, similar to that in British Columbia. But now was the time to get federal legislation that would permit Hewitt and his staff to exercise greater control over foreign insects, such as the brown-tail moth, at the federal level. The latter had been found in shipments from British Columbia and the same insect was already firmly established in Nova Scotia by 1909. Hewitt found it necessary to request statutory authority 'to prevent the introduction of this pest into those parts of Canada not already infested and its spreading in regions where it had become established.' 3 Hewitt and H.T. Gussow- the latter the new Dominion Botanist -wrote the legislation. On 19 November 1909, Sidney Fisher introduced the following resolution in the House of Commons: 'Resolved that it is expedient to pass an Act to prevent the introduction or spreading of insects, pests and disease destructive to vegetation; providing for the granting of compensation for matter destroyed for this purpose, the appointment of inspectors for the enforcement of the Act, and penalties for its contravention.' 4 The Destructive Insect and Pest Act was passed on 17 March 1910, and given royal assent on 4 May. All the necessary legal armament required to adequately prevent injurious pests from entering into, or spreading, in Canada was embodied in the act. The new legislation made the San Jose Scale Act obsolete, and it was repealed concomitant with the introduction of the new act. The first list of destructive insects to which the act was specifically directed included the San Jose

88 The first professionals scale, brown-tail moth, woolly apple aphid, and the West Indian peach scale.5 Many more would be added, in later years, but for the moment these four were of prime importance and would serve to get the legislation in running order. The new act provided more funds than had been made available hitherto for entomological purposes, and Hewitt was determined to expand the federal entomological services to all parts of the dominion, wherever insects demanded attention. The insects soon provided a reason for such expansion. The presence of the brown-tail moth in Nova Scotia in 1907, and the arrival of infested nursery stock from other countries into Canada, required closer inspection by quarantine authorities, but such work to date had been hampered by a shortage of staff. R.C. Treherne was therefore appointed by Hewitt as a special inspector in 1909, and G.E. Sanders as a second inspector after the 1910 act went into force. The increased amount of money available also enabled Hewitt to hire two more men sorely needed to round out the staff and thus permit the adequate handling of the increased entomological load. Hewitt showed an uncanny ability to pick the right man for the job. First he appointed J.M. Swaine, a recent graduate with a master's degree from Cornell, and lecturer in entomology at Macdonald College in McGill University, to head the investigation of forest insects. This move had far-reaching effects for the western provinces. Not only would it give an impetus to studies of insects affecting the vast timber resources of western and north-western Canada but it would also vitalize investigations of the many pests of shelter belts in the open plains region of the prairies. In simple fact, Swaine's appointment was the beginning of forest entomology in Canada. At the outset, the bark beetles, spruce budworm, and larch sawfly were the principal insect pests which required attention; many more would be included as the years wore on. Hewitt's second appointment was J.D. Tothill, whose principal duties were to direct the introduction and establishment of insect parasites in Canada. At the outset, Tothill was to find parasites that would attack, and thereby control, the gypsy and brown-tail moths. The appointment began what later expanded into intense research work concerning the nature of biological control of the fall webworm, tent caterpillar, spruce bud worm, and a host of other insects, culminating in the establishment of the Biological Control Institute at Belleville, Ontario. 6 Fruit insects were causing an incredible amount of loss to orchardists and the problem seemed to be increasing because of the expansion of the fruit-growing industry. Hewitt decided that this group of insects needed special attention also. W.A. Ross, who had been an employee of the Ontario Department of Agriculture in an investigation of the apple maggot and plum curculio, was called upon to head the project. Ross assembled and controlled a prodigious organization - the Fruit Insect Investigation Unit; Hewitt had made another brilliant decision.

89 Western expansion: Hewitt, Criddle, and Strickland The increase in staff in 1911 included another first for entomology.J.A. Letourneau, clerk and stenographer to the Dominion Entomologist since 1907, was promoted to Chief Clerk. Miss Jane Mcinnes was appointed as Hewitt's secretary, thereby becoming the first woman ever appointed to an entomological staff position in Canada. She would be followed by many more in the years to come, for women have always participated in all entomological duties, be they scientific, clerical, investigatory, or technical. With the appointment of Ross, R.C. Treherne was now freed of these duties and could be used elsewhere, namely in western Canada. His move westward was the first step taken by the federal entomological authorities in establishing field laboratories west of the Great Lakes. Treherne had devoted some of his time observing and recording the activities of a number of fruit pests in the Vineland, Ontario, district. In May 1912, he was transferred to Hatzic, in the Lower Fraser valley of British Columbia. The Entomology Division did not have any physical facilities for his occupancy. Through the courtesy of a farmer, Arthur Brealey, a fruit-grower at Hatzic, the division was permitted to establish a temporary field station on his farm. The prime purpose of this arrangement was to permit Treherne to investigate the life-history, habits, and control of the strawberry root weevil, Brachyrhinus ovatus, which was in abundant supply on many of the farmers' fields.7These insects were pests also on the farm of A. Brealy, although other insects of fruit, root maggots in gardens, and tent caterpillars in orchards, had to receive some attention from Treherne. 8 In all probability it was politically expedient and economically sound for the federal government to do the first entomological work in the Lower Fraser valley. The Dominion Experimental Farm at Agassiz had been one of the original five farms authorized by Parliament in the 1886 act, and had been established in the valley in 1888. It was therefore deemed wise to place the insect work in an area where the federal department had already established a firm foothold. Furthermore, the Agassiz farm was at what was then the centre of the cultivated, agricultural area at the far eastern end of the Lower Fraser valley. The main line of the Canadian Pacific Railway made the place accessible. Moreover, the establishment of the Entomological Laboratory at Agassiz (actually in adjacent Hatzic) placed it in the very presence of the Health of Animals Laboratory where Seymour Hadwen was working with, and interested in, animals affected by warble flies, fleas, and lice. So while Treherne laboured at Hatzic, in temporary quarters for the 1912 season, other accommodation was being built at Agassiz. The new quarters were to be the headquarters for federal entomological work in British Columbia, a permanent establishment for the study of insects of the province. The building into which Treherne moved in the spring of 1913 contained a working laboratory, insectary, living room and store room, and a lavatory. This 'lab'

90

The first professionals

was to remain a focal point of entomological endeavour for many years to come, harbouring such notable investigators as A.B. Baird, R. Glendenning, and H.G. Fulton. While events of entomological import were transpiring in British Columbia, other equally important events were occurring elsewhere in western Canada. Norman Criddle did not vanish from the Manitoba scene after perfecting his 'Criddle Mixture' and surviving the grasshopper plague of 1898 to 1904. He had struck up a lasting acquaintanceship with James Fletcher in 1900 and was encouraged to pursue his interests in entomology and botany. His paintings of weeds, grasses, and native flowers led to employment in Ottawa where Fletcher used these talents to further the artistic portrayal of Canadian flora. He spent the winters of 1900-5 illustrating farm weeds for the department. 9 From 1906 to 1908, he assisted Fletcher in collecting weed seeds, but continued his hobby of collecting insects. The former job was a good financial venture because the whole Criddle family, both boys and girls nieces and nephews of Norman Criddle - made some good pocket money by collecting the seeds of noxious weeds. 1° For the next three winters, 1910-13, Criddle worked as a seed analyst for the Dominion Department of Agriculture in Calgary. While there he received a letter from Hewitt that was to swing his interests, and his personal preferences, onto an entomological track which he was destined not to leave. This letter, dated 15 February 1912," requested Criddle to take a position with the Division of Entomology. The position was for six months of the year at a salary of $100 per month. The offer was less than he was making as a seed analyst and he was in a quandary as to whether he would accept it. However, there were two convincing points in favour of acceptance: he could work with his first love, the insects, and he could work at home, at the farm near Aweme, Manitoba. On 19 February 1912, Criddle wrote Hewitt accepting the offer, providing he could start work after l May; Hewitt responded on 27 February that a permanent entomological field station was to be established in Manitoba. Three species of insects, white grubs, the Hessian fly, and the wheat stem sawfly, were causing grave concern in Manitoba and the Division of Entomology was going to appoint someone - hopefully Norman Criddle - to investigate these. On 11 July, however, Hewitt informed him that the division was 'broke'. He could not hire him in 1912, but would try to obtain a larger appropriation in 1913 and make him another offer. On 15 January 1913, Criddle was asked if he would be available at $100 per month, or perhaps $ l 500 per annum if the field station were established on the Criddle farm at Aweme. Criddle agreed to such an arrangement but warned Hewitt he was a self-taught man with no college training. Hewitt replied that he was aware of this but would indeed be glad to hire him despite the lack of formal academic training. Once more Hewitt demonstrated his uncanny ability to pick the right man, for Criddle proved to be the greatest asset to entomology that western Canada has

91 Western expansion: Hewitt, Criddle, and Strickland

ever experienced. To many, if not most, of his colleagues, Norman Criddle was the dean of entomology in western Canada. On 15 May 1913, the long-awaited message arrived. The telegram from C.G. Hewitt read 'APPOINTED TEMPORARY FIELD OFFICER. COMMENCE IMMEDIATE OBSERVATION ON LACHNOSTERNA. WRITING.' The letter that followed brought the whole world of officialdom down upon the simple man from Aweme. In the past he was able to enjoy his insect collecting, his painting of plants and flowers, and his observations of avian and mammalian behaviour. Now Hewitt commanded him to 'make immediate observations' and proclaimed that 'while you are in the government's employ all insects collected will be the property of the Division.' The days of the carefree collector were over! From this day forward the Dominion Entomological Laboratory at Treesbank, and its officer-in-charge, Norman Criddle, would endure the vicissitudes of 'red tape.' There were to be telegrams and night letters directing his activities because of an insect outbreak, or the request from someone for an investigation of an entomological crisis. There would be 'instructions as to conduct' and rejection and criticisms, as well as upbraidings concerning expense accounts. There would be a lot of hard work ahead and no overtime pay to collect. To all this Criddle responded with the greatest aplomb. When F.W.L. Sladen, Assistant Entomologist for Apiculture, asked him to collect bumble bees, Criddle's quiet subdued sense of humour bubbled forth in his reply: 'My knowledge, however, of collecting nests is rudimentary and my experience when examining them has, more often than not, been painful.' As for work, he responded: 'I have been putting in 12 hours a day at official labours ... had to make a special Sunday trip after E. aurulenta, that being the only time available. At night I am out after Lachnosterna.'

12

Criddle's performance was unchallenged. His keen powers of observation and deduction led him to try the unusual. He noted that when pitch forks were left standing against a straw- or haystack, the handles were often roughened by grasshoppers eating the wood of the handles. If the insects would eat wood impregnated with salty sweat, then, he reasoned, they may be induced to eat wood chips washed with salt and seasoned with arsenite. His experiments along these lines finally culminated in the use of sawdust as a carrier of the poison used in baits for insect control. 13 His work with white grubs, Hessian fly, wheat stem sawfly, wheat stem maggot, cutworms, and a host of minor insect pests led to many published articles explaining the biology and life histories of these insects. He preferred to work with grasshoppers and these insects became his prime target for study and his major lifelong endeavour. In March 1914, Criddle submitted an estimate of the cost of construction of a new laboratory to Hewitt. The building, 12 by 16 feet, was to cost $151, plus $14 for the concrete foundation. When this reached Ottawa an immediate reply was sent back

92 The first professionals 10 March saying, in effect, that the cost was much too exorbitant. Hewitt suggested that an insectary be built, instead, for a cost of about $40 or $50. A new laboratory could wait for a year. Authorization for a new building was given in April 1915. Criddle was required to oversee the construction but was forced to lend a hand because 'it was impossible to secure labour otherwise.' The bill for building materials, in the amount of $108.40, as invoiced by Drake and Vane of Treesbank, was submitted on 31 May. Other costs were well within the $151 limit quoted a year earlier! The site was provided by Percy Criddle, Norman's father. The Criddle farm also provided excellent facilities for field and experimental plot work. 14 Criddle occupied the new laboratory building on 7 May 1915. Another western appointment, in Alberta, was made in response to a specific agricultural problem. Cutworms had been a common cause for complaint by farmers, gardeners, and agriculturists generally. The red-backed cutworm, Euxoa ochrogaster, had been collected by the early naturalist-collectors such as Wolley-Dod in Alberta, and had caused considerable trouble to growers, especially in gardens since the 1890s. The variegated cutworm, Peridroma saucia, caused consternation, confusion, and devastation in an unprecedented outbreak in British Columbia in 1900. The army cutworm, Euxoa auxiliaris, was known to gardeners from Regina to Calgary by 1902.15 In 191 I cutworms were generally injurious all across Canada. In Saskatchewan and Alberta the larval worms were unusually numerous, and unlike former years, when garden, vegetable, and root crops were most often attacked, the worms now turned to cereal crops. 16 The first report of crop damage came in June from Monarch, Alberta, indicating that 520 acres of wheat had been destroyed. The cutworm larvae responsible for the damage were identified by F.H. WolleyDod as those of the pale western cutworm, Agrotis orthogonia. The adult moths had been collected earlier by T.N. Willing, at Regina, on 10 August 1904, and had also been received from High River, Alberta, as early as 1908. Now in 19II came the first indication that the insect had become a serious field crop pest. Apparently this pest status had been attained only after native range lands were cultivated and the 'growing of grain became widespread in the prairies of the United States and Canada." 7 In 1912 the damage to grain crops by the pale western cutworm, and others, continued unabated. Southern Alberta seemed to be the region most severely affected; the infestation extended from Claresholm in the northwest and Turin in the northeast, to Spring Coulee and Wagner in the southwest and southeast, respectively: They were particularly destructive to garden crops, including cabbages, turnips, onions, peas, beets and carrots, and in addition to destroying wheat, which was the chief crop

93 Western expansion: Hewitt, Criddle, and Strickland attacked, they ate oats, barley and timothy. The damage was reported to have commenced about the middle of April and to have extended into the middle ofJune. The most destructive species appeared to be Prosagrotis delorata Sm. [Agrotis orthogonia Morr.I and Euxoa ochrogaster Gn. The ordinary remedial measures for cutworms did not prove effectual, and on this account, together with the fact that one of the species (P. delorata) was a new pest, arrangements have been made for a thorough investigation into the outbreak. 18

Having made the decision to find out all there was to know about cutworms, Hewitt now had the task of finding the right man to head the investigation. A young man, E.H. Strickland, born in England in 1889, was at Harvard, where he had been sent by the Colonial Office, on a Carnegie studentship, to study entomology. He had earned his MSc degree, under W.M. Wheeler, in 1913, and Hewitt convinced the Colonial Office that he could use this young man and give him some valuable field experience in economic entomology. He would place him in southern Alberta where he would have him undertake studies of the new cutworm pest. The Colonial Office agreed, and Strickland was hired on 18 March 1913. As was the case with all the field laboratories established by the Division of Entomology, there were no physical facilities, no building, no equipment, and no supplies - only a new man. For Strickland, his headquarters were at the Lethbridge Experimental Farm, where the director, W.H. Fairfield, provided him with the necessary accommodation. It was not palatial, and when he arrived for duty in April 1913 he found that the new one-man field station was a room in the attic of the sheep-barn, later moved to an implement shed. The other necessities for the investigatory work were not any better. In a letter dated 26 April 1913, 19 Strickland acknowledged the barn space that had been made available to him, and further informed Hewitt that a box of apparatus was at hand. This box of equipment contained '1 dissecting needle, straight; I dissecting needle, curved; 1 scalpel; J.M. Swaine's net." 0 The meagre supplies may have been offset somewhat by a paycheck which he received on 30 April: 'being the amount of your salary from March 18th when you left England to the 30th inst.,' in the amount of $188.71. To get the young entomologist off on the right foot, C.G. Hewitt sent Arthur Gibson, his chief assistant, to Alberta also, so that a 'thorough investigation of the infested districts could be made.' They found that some fields had 'from three to eleven [worms) to the square foot,' and because they fed below the surface of the soil the usually reliable poisoned bran bait would prove to be unsuccessful. Strickland had his work cut out for him, for there were other insect problems he would have to take care of as well. The years immediately prior to the First World War were busy ones for the new western entomologists. British Columbia now had a laboratory and an entomologist;

94 The first professionals Alberta had a resident entomologist; and Manitoba had an insectary and a laboratory with an entomologist in charge. Normal Criddle had been installed as a field officer at Treesbank so that he could officially participate in an international program dealing with the control of white grubs. This was, in part, a co-operative project with the United States Bureau of Entomology, and all aspects of investigation were precisely outlined. All Canadian officers were to participate, including Strickland. However, Hewitt warned him that it would not be possible for him to 'carry on any extensive breeding experiments on Lachnosterna [white grubs] owing to the fact that you are to devote all the necessary time to the cutworm work."' By mid-July, when most of the cutworm rampage was over, and a breather was in the offing, Strickland received a telegram from Hewitt: 'IMMEDIATELY INVESTIGATE WHEAT INJURIES OF JOHN MUSGRAVE COWLEY ALBERTA AND DISTRICT WRITING.'

In the follow-up letter he was told: 'He [John Musgrave] informs me that the trouble appears to be in the first joint from the root and is only found on old land that has previously been seeded to wheat. He reports that one man has absolutely nothing to cut on three hundred acres and ... causing loss of five to ten bushels per acre ... Kindly report to me immediately the results of your examination.' 22 For the next five days Strickland made an extensive survey of the Cowley district on his motorcycle - cars were unheard of - a new Indian Twin 1913 Model. On 19 July Strickland reported to Hewitt: I left here for Cowley upon the 15th, on the motor cycle ... I had tire trouble ... return by train ... sent the machine [back] by express ... In 1902 some wheat was brought in to the country from Kansas (?) by a man named Thompson (did not check the spelling of this name). It seems that it was due to this importation that the Eelworm, which is causing all the damage, was let loose in this country. The crops grown from this Wheat were seen to turn somewhat yellow in the Spring but nothing very serious was noticed until 1908.23

This report was not entirely a surprise to Hewitt, for he had received some damaged plants from the Raymond, Alberta, area in September 1912, and found eelworms in the stems. 24 This was the first report and record of injury to cereal crops by eelworms in North America. Strickland was fortunate, entomologically, in being the first to investigate this pest, as well as the pale western cutworm. Reports of eelworm injury to crops kept coming to Strickland from many parts of Alberta. There were investigations of damage at the farm of Clara Thompson (Spring Coulee), I.B. Roberts (Raymond), L.E. Dimsdale (Fishburn), and many others. Wrapped up as he was in the eelworm and cutworm work, it did not permit him much leisure time when he also had administrative duties to attend to.

95 Western expansion: Hewitt, Criddle, and Strickland One of the extra duties dropped on Strickland and Criddle was that of the annual report. Every field officer was required to write a 2500- to 3000-word annual report, plus a 250- to 500-word summary report of activities of the entomological laboratory in his charge. These reports were due in Ottawa by the end of November officialdom had to have its paper 'pound of flesh,' no matter how much time it took away from investigatory insect work. The natural growth of the country resulted in an increase in the number of fruit and shade trees, ornamentals, and other plants imported into Canada. To meet this increase, and to encourage more tree planting in the prairie provinces, the importation process needed accelerating, and more fumigation and inspection services had to be provided. A new fumigation station was built in 1913 at North Portal, Saskatchewan, on the Canadian Pacific Railway route. It was to serve as a port of entry and plant quarantine station for Saskatchewan and Alberta. This was just one more duty for a field officer, that of a nursery stock inspector and fumigator, at a place far removed from headquarters. The 'pioneer' federal entomologists were dedicated men, and all tasks were dutifully performed. Even though Strickland became involved with the fumigation station at North Portal, his visits were not too frequent. T.R. Waddington, a resident of that town, was appointed as superintendent of the fumigation station in November 1913, with duties to commence on 15 March of the following year. However, it still remained for Strickland to be on hand at the beginning of the sp"ring season and to teach Waddington the proper procedures and safeguards of fumigation. In the spring of 1914, both Strickland and Criddle were back at their respective field stations, having spent the winter at headquarters in Ottawa. For Criddle, the annual east-for-the-winter and west-for-the-summer routine was to become the normal routine of activities. For Strickland, the east-west shuffle was performed annually until he went on active duty in the First World War. When Strickland returned to Lethbridge in March 1914, he returned to the same inadequate quarters on the Experimental Farm. Here he planned and initiated an extensive program of cutworm-rearing for purposes of testing poisoned baits and parasite infections. By May, the outbreak of the pale western cutworm was once more in full swing in southern Alberta, so much so that he was soon swamped with calls for assistance and advice. He requested an assistant, but Gibson denied the request on grounds of fiscal restraint and national austerity. However, the Dominion Entomologist was always on the offensive for his staff, and was able to shake loose some more federal funds. On 7 June he telegraphed Strickland to employ a suitable university student, as extra labour. Strickland did find a helper, H. Hamilton; but the help came almost too late to do much good. The 1914 cutworm season was almost over. In August Strickland

96 The first professionals

requested funds for a two-roomed laboratory, a student assistant, and a new twospeed motorcycle to facilitate his travel. By the end of April 1915, he had received permission to build his laboratory, hire a summer assistant, F.M. Walsh, and acquire a new motorcycle (with a side-car for his assistant). Having supplied Strickland with most of the things he wanted, Ottawa now expected that great entomological discoveries would be forthcoming. The authorities were not disappointed. Within a year Strickland had shown that the eelworms were not to blame for the wilted and yellowing wheat. He recommended a crop rotation program in which farmers would not reseed wheat fields to wheat again the following year. He also noted a mite associated with the damaged growing grain, but was not sure it was the connective agent of the problem. The disease, if it was one, responded adversely to the recommended cultural control plan and in about two years had disappeared. Some forty years later the disease was rediscovered. It was named 'wheat streak mosaic,' vectored by a mite, and controlled by practices similar to those Strickland had recommended in 1913.25 And what of the pale western cutworm, the insect pest that was the cause of Strickland's appointment and his placement in the West? In three seasons of work, Strickland had invented a poison trap to lure and kill adult moths; had reared, studied, and therefore knew the number and types of parasites responsible for considerable larval mortality; and had developed a time-table, or 're-seeding chart,' that would indicate when fields could be safely resown to cereals. By 1916 he had found a reasonably good control for the army cutworm, Euxoa auxiliaris. This insect had suddenly appeared in outbreak numbers for the first time in 1915. In that year about 3000 square miles of farmland in southern Alberta was infested. Since it was a worm that travelled en masse, above the ground, Strickland surmised that a poisoned bait would be a good control. Being a very practical man, he did some experimentation with physical barriers, with furrows to trap the worms, and with various carriers of poison. His final recommendation was a remedy of remarkable simplicity. Worms could be controlled by placing poisoned baits, containing Paris green, shorts, and molasses, in furrows around fields. This would cost $1.20 per mile. An alternate bait consisting of Freshly pulled Stinkweed ( T. arvensis) or Alfalfa 50 lbs., Paris Green I lb. applied at the rate of ro pounds to 40 or 50 rods, and costing exclusive oflabour 15 or 20 cents per mile. The second bait is recommended wherever Stinkweed occurs since it is a noxious weed, and the benefit gained from pulling it pays for the labour that this involves. The freshly pulled plants are sprinkled with water and dusted with Paris Green, which is then stirred well into them. The bait is as attractive as the best Shorts mixtures. A count of dead worms in a furrow made one week after poisoning gave an average of 2,800,000 killed to the mile.26

97 Western expansion: Hewitt, Criddle, and Strickland

Providing the means of stopping or reducing the ravages of three major field crop insect pests in a period of three years was an incredible accomplishment. Once more Hewitt had appointed the right man to get the job done. Now it was wartime, however. Strickland had been anxious to enter the British forces, and with few urgent demands being made by the insects of the West, he decided to enlist, and on 17 June 1916 the Lethbridge laboratory closed and work in entomology in Alberta came to a halt - temporarily. In 1914, there were only a handful of entomologists in western Canada to defend its growing agricultural industry, forestry, and human population from the effects of insects. On the federal scene, the Division of Entomology, still a part of the Experimental Farm System, had established three field stations each with one entomologist to perform the work: Treesbank, Manitoba - with Normal Criddle, whose concern was primarily field crop insects; Lethbridge, Alberta - with E.H. Strickland, also assigned to field crop insect investigations; Agassiz, British Columbia - with R.C. Treherne, involved with fruit, field crop, and garden insects. The four western provinces, by the end of 1913, did not boast of one provincial entomologist. The British Columbia Department of Agriculture had appointed W.H. Brittain as Entomologist and Plant Pathologist in April 1912, but by the fall of 1913 he had departed for Nova Scotia. There he had accepted a position in the Department of Biology, Truro Agricultural College. Of course, there was also the Honorary Provincial Entomologist, G.W. Taylor, so designated in 1895. But he had died of paralysis on 22 August 1912, leaving a void that was never filled. Nevertheless, it bears remarking that the western provinces did not officially appoint 'provincial entomologists' because they did not need them. Each province had dedicated, energetic, and highly talented and knowledgeable civil servants who were 'entomologists' in their own right and acted as such. There was Hugh McKellar, the Chief Clerk of the Manitoba Department of Agriculture, a 'keen enthusiast for the betterment of agriculture,' who was the departmental public relations officer, pest control specialist, and extension entomologist - all melded into one position. His dedicated service extended to 1904, when he resigned to seek his fortunes in the newspaper enterprise. His successors, the deputy ministers and field crop commissioners such as J.H. Evans and H.E. Wood, continued to exercise similar entomological interest in noxious insects and their control in Manitoba. Saskatchewan had T.N. Willing, expert botanist, weed inspector, and entomologist. He had been a farmer, as well as an avid collector of beetles, moths, and most other insects. Together with his superiors in the Department of Agriculture, and with advice from James Fletcher, and later from C.G. Hewitt, he took care of most of the pressing insect problems of the day in Saskatchewan.

98 The first professionals Alberta had its amateur entomologists - amateur with reference to academic training, but professional in terms of knowing the insects that surrounded them. There were Percy B. Gregson of Blackfalds, F.H. Wolley-Dod of Millarville, N.B. Sanson of Banff, all members of the Territorial Natural History Society. They were dedicated to the giving of aid to farmers by instructing them in the identification and control of noxious insects. British Columbia, with its cadre of officials in the provincial Department of Agriculture, was the envy of the nation. From the ministerial level down, these people were energetic, devoted, untiring, and knowledgeable, and made entomology their business and public service their motto. The names of J.R. Anderson, R.M. Palmer, and Thomas Cunningham will recur frequently. Mention should be made of two others who contributed to, and were part of, the entomological elite of 1914. Seymour Hadwen, the first assistant pathologist in the Dominion Veterinary Department of the Agassiz Experimental Farm, had studied ticks, warbles, mosquitoes, and other livestock insect pests since 1912. His were the first studies of insects that had veterinary-medical importance, and all who followed built on his founding work. Then there was Tom Wilson, the Dominion Inspector of Indian Orchards. He had been a provincial inspector of fruit pests, and, with the other trio of British Columbia officials, he had made his mark in keeping the province more pest-free than any other in the Dominion. Thus, at the end of the era of infancy, when the Dominion Division of Entomology was about to have its entomological umbilical cord severed from the Experimental Farm Division, western Canada could boast only five federal and five provincial entomologists, plus three or four 'professional amateurs.' These men had a rich heritage of excellent work to fall back on, but what of the future? Would insects seek new territories to infest? Would they increase in number, diversity and intensity of outbreaks? Could a dozen men thwart their efforts in the years immediately ahead?

PART III: INSECTS OF BRITISH

COLUMBIA

E .R. Buckell

Eric Hearle

Professor G.J. Spencer

Dr G.P. Holland

A.B. Baird

H . Andison

Dr W .H. Brittain

James Marshall

·•·.:,,, ,, ....

~ •.

~u ,.,,·-

•.-~··-•··Y•r-;;_,

Dominion Entomological Laboratory at Agassiz, 1914

Temporary laboratory at Mission, 1915

Inside the Mission laboratory, 1916

Summerland laboratory ca 1930

Temporary laboratory in a rented house at Victoria, 1920

Oil and plank barriers used to protect a crop from invasion by the strawberry root weevil, Victoria

The first airplane used for entomological purposes in Canada: a Vickers Vidette used by Eric Hearle for aerial reconnaissance of mosquito breeding grounds in the Lower Fraser valley in

I 92 I

Tanglefoot and board barriers to halt the advance of strawberry root weevils, Victoria

A severe infestation of woolly aphids - and cloth patches used in control, Okanagan Centre

Hand dusting of crops in the Kootenays to control the Colorado potato beetle

Fumigating imported broom straw in a quarantine station

Mosquitoes emerging from Sumas prairie and resting on a fence post, 1920

7

BritishColumbiaentomology

Insects of British Columbia had been collected, identified, and classified by numerous naturalists and collectors, above all by G.W. Taylor. However, it wasn't until 1892 that an attempt was made at economic entomology, to suppress or negate the harmful effects of noxious insects. In that year the British Columbia legislature enacted the Horticultural Board Act. This provided for the appointment of a competent entomologist to inspect nursery stock and to control insect pests in orchards. It meant that direct control of all insects within her borders could be exercised by the province. A quarantine and inspection service was started. Ernest Hutcherson was the first appointed entomologist to be Inspector of Fruit Pests under authority of the act. The need for legislation arose as a result of increased damage by insects to orchard crops. Fruit growing and horticulture generally had not spread uniformly over the province. The Lower Fraser valley, the Saanich Peninsula, and the Kamloops-Lytton district were the main regions where settlements had initiated fairly intensive agricultural development. The insect pests of small fruits, tree fruits, and vegetable crops were not taking a great toll of production initially, but progressive growers were aware of an increasing number of noxious insects and were prepared to do something to control them. The following account describes early attempts at spray control in the Vancouver area: In 1885 Mr. Thomas Cunningham bought a 45-gallon spray-pump from the Field Spray Pump Company of New York. Mr. William Clarkson, of New Westminster, also sprayed for aphis and apple-scab with a similar hand-pump of his own purchase in the So's. In 1888 Mr. W.J. Brandrith, of Ladner, owned a 'stirrup' spray-pump. This was of cast iron with a wrought-iron plunger, and was only capable of throwing a spray some 12 feet or so. Mr. Brandrith in 1890 again arranged for the purchase and sale of six 5-gallon bucket Spramotor hand-pumps to various fruit-growers in the Lower Fraser Valley. These pumps cost, laid down, $30 each. In 1892 he again bought a No. 2 40-gallon Spramotor for his own use.

102 Insects of British Columbia Bordeaux was in use between the years 1885 and 1900 at the 4-4-50 formula and whaleoil soap, which later was imported from the Standard Soap Company of San Francisco, Cal., at the time. In the early 9o's Mr. T.A. Sharpe, Superintendant of the Dominion Experimental Farm, Agassiz, had a Spramotor hand-pump sent out from London, Ontario, for use on the Government Farm. As far as can be gathered, at least six more spray-pumps from the same firm came into the Fraser Valley and on to Vancouver Island about the same time. Mr. Tom Wilson, on his farm near Harrison, in the Fraser Valley, bought a Myers Spray-pump in 1892 and fitted it to a barrel. He says: 'The only thing we used to spray for was the green aphis, and we used tobacco-stems steeped in water. Previous to that we used a solution of concentrated lye or caustic soda applied with a swab or whitewash-brush to the bodies and larger limbs of the trees. About 1893 woolly aphis used sometimes to be noticed, and it was the practice to apply a little raw coal-oil to the affected parts with a swab. Oyster-shell scale, when treated at all, used to get a lick of lye and water. I remember seeing this scale in the woods in the early 9o's.' Records for the Okanagan District are limited. In 1895 one hand-power Bean sprayer was in use on the Coldstream Ranch, Vernon. With the exception of a brass Spraymotor No. 2, owned and bought by Mr. Price Ellison, M.L.A., later and at the present time [1914] Minister of Agriculture for the Province, it is doubtful whether any other existed in the Upper Country previous to this time, although conjointly in the Lower Mainland spraying fruittrees for fungi and insects was more or less general. Spraying, however, for insect pests did not become general all over the province in the fruit-growing areas until about 1900.1

Although these attempts at control were rewarding to those who used them, the total effort in the province was inadequate. J.R. Anderson of the British Columbia Department of Agriculture held that 'the influence that diseases and pests have on agriculture does not seem to be properly appreciated by our farmers, very little attempt being made in most cases to combat them by applying those remedies which are known to be best.' He considered the apple aphid and the oakworm to be the most serious of the insect pests. 2 The official attitude taken by the provincial authorities was that insufficient attention was being given to insect pests. The same views were held by the British Columbia Fruit Growers Association, an organization that, since its formation in 1889, was intimately interested and involved in solving the insect problems of the fruit industry. It had pressed for stringent control measures and enforcement and had been largely responsible for the enactment of the Horticultural Board Act. Despite the legislation and the stepped-up control campaign in 1892--93 the insect threat to crop production was not diminishing. Anderson reported:

103

British Columbia entomology

All throughout the province, I regret to say, there seems to have been a marked increase in some of these enemies of the agriculturist and stock-raiser ... The aphid, both on fruit trees and hops, has spread in all directions ... This [province) has always been considered and I think rightly, a fruit-growing country, but what can be thought when it is seen that 9,325 barrels of apples were imported last year. There seems to be something radically wrong in such a state of affairs. It is quite true that a very large proportion of the orchards of the province are young and not in bearing, but very many are in bearing; sufficientI imagine, to supply the wants of the province. The secret is, I believe, that diseases, pests, and want of care have so reduced the quantity and quality of fruit that people are forced to buy elsewhere.3 To further improve the defences against insects a revised Horticultural Board Act was passed in I 894. This permitted the Board to make specific regulations aimed not only at control but also at prevention. These regulations were made for the purpose of preventing the spread of contagious diseases in orchards and gardens and among fruit and fruit trees, and for the prevention, treatment, cure, and extirpation of fruit pests and the diseases of fruit and fruit trees, and for the disinfection of grafts, scions, and orchard debris, empty fruit boxes or packages, and other suspected material or transportable articles dangerous to orchards, fruit and fruit trees, said Board may make regulations for the inspection and disinfection or destruction thereof, or of non-fruit-bearing trees or shrubs which may carry contagion, and also for requiring all cases of contagious diseases, or fruit pests, as aforesaid, to be reported to the Board.4 The amended act was a milestone in the annals of applied entomology in Canada because of the added legal control procedures and measures it now sanctioned. The Inspector of Fruit Pests had the authority to inspect any material associated with the fruit industry, enter any farm, and cleanse or destroy all infested material. Furthermore, all measures under the act were also extended to hops and hop plants because these were threatened by the hop aphid. A further regulation named the 'woolly aphis, apple tree aphis, scaly bark-louse, oyster-shell bark-louse, San Jose Scale, red scale, borers, codlin [sic] moths, currant worms, or other known or injurious insects' 5 as species of particular concern. Although mentioned, the codling moth and the San Jose scale were not present in the province at that time. This specific inclusion must be regarded as a far-reaching and forward-planning decision. It resulted in a relatively pest-free province for agriculturists because it provided for a monitoring detection and early-warning service against the invasion of noxious insect pests. Rigid enforcement of the Horticultural Board Act - against the codling moth - led to some violent repercussions. Thomas Cunningham, one of the district fruit pest inspectors, turned back a carload of Ontario apples infested with the codling moth.

104 Insects of British Columbia

Such unilateral action had never been heard of before, and it had not been taken against 'good' eastern fruit in the past. The restriction of free interprovincial commerce was thought to be an infringement of the rights of other provinces, especially when the carrier, the Canadian Pacific Railway, incurred extra work and expense in shipping the apples back to Ontario. T.G. Shaughnessy, vice president of the Canadian Pacific Railway, sent a telegram to A.R. Angers, the federal Minister of Agriculture, on I November 1894. WE ARE ADVISED BY WIRE THIS MORNING THAT A CARLOAD OF APPLES FROM ONTARIO, CONSIGNED TO MCMILLAN & HAMILTON, VANCOUVER, HAS REACHED THAT POINT AND ON INSPECTION BY FRUIT INSPECTOR RECENTLY APPOINTED BY BRITISH COLUMBIA GOVERNMENT HE CONDEMNED THE FRUIT AS BEING INFESTED BY LARVAE OF CODLING MOTH, AND OWNERS HAVE BEEN INSTRUCTED TO EITHER SHIP CAR OUT OF COUNTRY OR DESTROY IT BY FIRE. THERE ARE ABOUT FIFTEEN OTHER CARLOADS OF APPLES ON THE WAY FROM ONTARIO FOR THE BRITISH COLUMBIA MARKET, WHICH MAY POSSIBLY BE CONDEMNED IN THE SAME WAY. THIS PROVINCIAL INSPECTION ACT APPEARS TO HAVE BEEN SPRUNG ON THE TRADE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA WITHOUT NOTICE, AND WILL WORK A GREAT HARDSHIP NOT ONLY ON THEM BUT ON ONTARIO FRUIT GROWERS WHO WOULD HAVE HAD AN EXCELLENT MARKET IN BRITISH COLUMBIA THIS YEAR ON ACCOUNT OF THE FAILURE OF THE OREGON FRUIT CROP. CANNOT YOUR DEPARTMENT DO SOMETHING TO PUT MATTERS RIGHT? ANSWER 6

The Minister of Agriculture immediately sought a ruling as to whether the act was valid or not. He consulted James Fletcher, who advised him that the contaminated apples could be easily spotted and destroyed. J.R. Anderson affirmed that 'The Board used every means in its power to acquaint the public with the provisions of the Act, and its determination to enforce them. Besides advertising in the Official Gazette and the public papers ... forms were sent to every public officer, postmaster, and fruit dealer throughout the Province, with copies of the Act ... ignorance of the Act [could not] be advanced as an excuse.' 7 The British Columbia inspectors found the apples from Ontario to be terribly affected with the same species of insect, and by 15 November 1894 had refused the entry of eight more carloads into the province. Furthermore, a 'large quantity of Oregon, Washington, and California fruit has also been condemned and destroyed, principally on account of the codling moth and San Jose scale, and as a consequence we are now getting clean fruit from these States.' 8 In spite of the opinion of the Department of Justice that the act did not give the inspectors the right to stop entry, or destroy carloads of applies, the province

105 British Columbia entomology

adamantly refused to back down from the stand it had taken. It insisted that eastern Canadian fruit be clean and free from insects, even though 'Eastern papers are sharply criticising us for enforcing the law, and are loudly proclaiming that Canadian apples are not infected ... Had the Government of the older Provinces taken similar precautions by the enactment of wholesome laws for the protection of orchards, Canadian apples would not be selling in the markets of Great Britain at the ruinous price of ten shillings per barrel.' 9 To ensure further legality of action the British Columbia legislature passed further amendments, on 21 February 1895. These gave the board 'the power to make regulations for inspection [which] shall include the power to establish and vary places and quarantine stations where such inspection shall be carried out, and to make regulations in regard to the forwarding thereto and detention thereat of articles requiring inspection.' Furthermore, it authorized the Inspector of Fruit Pests to 'order the destruction, by rooting out and burning, all infected nursery stock, trees ... considered expedient in the interests of the fruit-growing industry." 0 In spite of the howlings of eastern Canadian fruit growers and politicians, the quarantine and inspection measures remained in effect. As evidence of the appreciation of the quarantine efforts of the Board of Horticulture, the North-west Fruit Growers' Association endorsed a resolution praising the British Columbia actions at their meeting in Portland, Oregon, on 6-8 February 1895. Only diligent and dedicated surveillance by men such as J.R. Anderson, E.C. Gibson, R.M. Palmer, T. Cunningham, and T. Wilson, kept British Columbia free of injurious foreign insects for many years. The fruit industry was expanding rapidly. To safeguard it from the introduction of unwanted insects to add to the company of noxious ones already in the province, an inspection station was built in Vancouver in 1895. It was 'to be used for the inspection of all fruit-trees and vegetation that were passing into the Province from points outside.' The prompt and strict enforcement of the regulations by R.M. Palmer and his staff did much to reduce the incidence of fruit pests in the province. Furthermore, the dedicated attention given to insects by Palmer and Anderson was also partly responsible for further quarantine action taken by the Horticultural Society and the British Columbia Fruit Growers Association. A committee was appointed to formulate a set of instructions and recommendations for the control of various insect pests of fruit. This was done and the 'Pest and Remedy Supplement' was issued to fruit growers as a comprehensive guide for better insect control in orchards. 11 The informative leaflet issued in 1895 to the growers became a veritable 'bible' for successful fruit growing, and was the fore-runner of the 'Spray Calendar' that is up-dated and revised annually and is still in use today. In 1896, the Department of Agriculture, through J.R. Anderson, added fumigation to its quarantine procedures. Thomas Cunningham was placed in charge of this

106 Insects of British Columbia

work. He, together with Palmer and Anderson, became an unbeatable team in the fight against insects. To all these men, 'the enforcement of import regulations, fumigation of nursery stock, and eradication of incipient outbreaks are claimed to have delayed the establishment of many fruit pests, including the codling moth and the San Jose Scale.' 12 The entomologists and agriculturists were also emphatic in recommending debris control, crop rotation, orchard sanitation and improvement, and biological control. Aphids (green, black, and woolly) and the scales (oystershell, Putnams, red, and apple tree) had ·become common in southern British Columbia and on the islands by 1886. Tom Wilson found them in abundance when he later went to inspect the Indian orchards. R.M. Palmer knew of the successful use of predacious larvae of ladybird beetles which were used to control insect pests in the orchards of California. In August 1897 he went to California and returned with large numbers of three species of ladybird beetles. 13 These were released in Victoria and in the Lower Fraser Valley by Thomas Cunningham, in the hope they would control, to some extent, the woolly aphid and the oystershell scale. The following year, 1898, it was affirmed that the beetles had become established in British Columbia. 'Fruit growers of Saanich need not worry about woolly aphid because of the presence of many thousands of ladybird beetles this summer' 14 was the message that was relayed to the orchardists by the press. Fruit growers could once more relax. Danger from insects did not always arise from foreign sources. When in 1896 severe damage to apples occurred, the culprit was found to be a native insect, the apple fruit miner, Marmara pomonella. This insect had left its native food plant, the wild crabapple, and had begun to attack cultivated apple trees in commercial orchards. For the next few years this pest was of prime concern to growers, so much so that J .R. Anderson assigned the Assistant Deputy Minister of Agriculture to the task of solving some of the doubtful events of its life history. The assistant, E.A. CarewGibson, was a meticulous observer, a good entomologist, and, together with R.M. Palmer, he was able to do some excellent scientific sleuthing that produced recommendations for the control of the pest. The co-operative teamwork was successful, not only with the apple fruit miner, but with many other injurious insects. Due credit must be given to these provincial officers for initiating and conducting the first entomological research in British Columbia, research that had an economic slant. In 1900 double action was taken against the San Jose scale. The Dominion government, under authority of the San Jose Scale Act of 1898, built and began to operate a separate fumigation station in Vancouver. Tom Wilson, who had worked as an

107

British Columbia entomology

inspector of fruit pests under Palmer for the provincial Board of Horticulture, was appointed to take charge of this work. Because the provincial officials were already involved in this operation, having built and staffed a fumigating station four years earlier, many people viewed the federal action with some apprehension. Many wondered just what the federal Minister of Agriculture had in mind when this duplicative venture was incepted. As far as Dominion Entomologist James Fletcher was concerned, it was done 'simply and solely against the San Jose Scale." 5 Despite the fact that Palmer and his associates were keeping an eye peeled for the San Jose scale, by tree-to-tree inspection of orchards and critical examination of all incoming nursery stock, federal authorities were attempting to supplement this effort. It may have seemed a duplication of effort, but the insect was of such concern that any and all counter-measures were deemed necessary. James Fletcher had come out west in 1900, and again in 1901, specifically to see the insect situation first hand. The grasshoppers were beginning to increase in numbers, and some damage was being done to cereal crops in Manitoba. The variegated cutworm and its allies were ruining crops in British Columbia. This was enough to scare any man, but when the San Jose scale became a potential menace, all of the fruit growers began to get the jitters. Reports of the presence of the scale were received from many points, but in each instance, when investigated, they proved to be false. It will remain forever to the credit of the provincial inspectors that all reports were investigated, none were ignored. When, in 1900, a report came from Vernon that a nursery containing several hundred peach tree seedlings was infested, Fletcher took immediate and decisive action. He hired E. Peter Venables to spray the whole block of trees with a kerosene emulsion. 16 It is unclear why the federal entomological authorities took remedial action in this instance, instead of permitting the provincial authorities to do so; nevertheless, they did. Peter Venables, a young man of 20, had received a sound education, including natural history, in England, and together with his parents had pioneered at Coldstream. He had collected beetles and had them identified by James Fletcher, who also encouraged him to continue in such endeavours. Although hired for one job only, Venables was later to be appointed to the staff of the Vernon Entomological Laboratory. This took place on l April 1900, when his expertise gained in 'natural history pursuits' was placed on trial in work concerning fruit insect problems. Everything was relatively new; the orchards, the insects, and the control methods. In fact, Venables relates: I believe that this may have been the first time an oil spray had been used commercially in the Okanagan Valley. Of course, in those days fruit growing was in its infancy and people were very interested in the subject of pests and were rather pleased if they could find some-

108 Insects of British Columbia thing new. They would proudly take their friends to view the work of, perhaps, the red humped caterpillar, or bud worm on their young trees. This would usually be on a Sunday afternoon.' 7 With situations of this type present in the province, it was small wonder that extensive programs of education were necessary to effect proper appreciation of potential damage and sound methods of control. It was then, even as it is today, an almost impossible feat to bring the messages of good agrological practice to all of the farming public. Peter Venables cited an instance of doubt and mistrust of 'experts' by some of the rural settlers. A Vernon farmer, when asked by Venables' father to attend a local Farmer's Institute meeting, replied: 'No sir. I ain't no use for them lads what talks all night and sleeps all day. Clever know-nothins, what don't know beans when the bag is opened.' Much, if not most, of the doubt and suspicion of the experts was dispelled by the sincerity, dedication, and hard work of both the federal entomologists and the provincial officers of the departments of agriculture. Despite their being held in check the vast number of pest insects were ever present and threatening. Those of pest status in 1902 included cutworms, leafhoppers, aphids, red spider, cabbage butterflies, pear and cherry slugs, June bugs, oystershell scale, woolly aphids, tent caterpillars, peach tree borers, onion maggots, oak loopers, and raspberry cane borers. This large array of insects was enticing to all economic entomologists and to many others. Those interested in collecting and in taxonomy were delighted at having so many species at hand, but they were also frustrated because they were unable to compare notes, exchange specimens, or discuss their work. Distance separated them so they decided to organize for a common cause: In 1901 the late Dr. Fletcher had occasion to visit British Columbia in connection with the work of his Department. During his stay in Vancouver I [Tom Wilson) had the opportunity of introducing him to Mr. R.V. Harvey, of the city, who was then Principal of Queen's School. In discussing matters in connection with the entomologicalwork in British Columbia, the idea was suggested to form a Society whose special object was to unify the work of those particularly interested in the study of insects in the Province. The idea came to maturity and the Society was formed. For two years we had a live Society here in Vancouver, with such members as Messrs. G.W. Taylor, [R.S.) Sherman, [A.H.) Bush, [W.A.) Dashwood-Jones, Ed. Wilson, Draper, Marrion, Bryant, L.D. Taylor, A.W. Hanham, and myself in more or less regular attendance ... Regular meetings were held in Vancouver and reports were issued semi-monthly on matters of interest. These reports took the form of letters which were forwarded from one member to the other by the members themselves. 18

109 British Columbia entomology

Rev. G.W. Taylor was elected first president of the Entomological Society of British Columbia, with R.V. Harvey as secretary. The first meeting was held on 13 March 1902 and semi-annual meetings followed until 6 February 1905. In 1905 some changes were made. Because of the distances that separated the members and because the neglect of one member would disrupt the distribution of the manuscript notes, some other form of communication was sought. Harvey approached the British Columbia Department of Agriculture for financial assistance to publish regular bulletins of their proceedings and work. This request was granted and the quarterly bulletins, primarily written by Harvey, were published, the first appearing in March 1906. No further meetings were held after 1908, when Harvey gave up the duties of secretary of the society. The meetings were discontinued and no further bulletins were issued for the time being. Harvey's professional responsibilities had increased to the point where he had to give up his active participation in entomology, an action that resulted in the waning of interest, generally, by members, 'not in entomological work, but as a Society." 9 Despite the lack of interest in a society and the lethargy of orchardists, and/or entomologists, the continued succession of important and threatening insect pests kept entomology alive. Even though the dreaded San Jose scale was declared non-existent in British Columbia by 1900, 20 intensive inspection and examination of orchards and imported nursery stock were maintained to keep the province pest-free. In 1904 the codling moth was discovered at Kamloops. All hands turned out to control the pest in the 3000 fruit trees of the district. The provincial government undertook the spraying program, but growers were rather lackadaisical about it, with the result that populations of the moth remained high until 1910. The codling moth, however, was not content to strike at one point only, or so it seemed. In 1904 another serious outbreak occurred, this time in the southern portion of Vancouver Island. Inspectors of the provincial horticultural board were 'instructed to locate and destroy all infected fruit and larvae and endeavour to induce the growers to co-operate in the matter of control."' The fight continued, as did the spread of infestations, for in 1905 the southern Kootenay valley at Kaslo was invaded by the moths for the first time.22 Although the presence of the codling moth pest created quite a furor, the infestation evidently covered only small areas. They were believed to have been the result of the importation of wormy pears from California and wormy apples from Ontario. 23 By 1909 'as many as 17,582 trees being found infested, and 7,610 fruits from which larvae were taken.' The codling moth appeared to have gained several footholds in the province, but the provincial authorities were still quite adamant in their efforts to contain them

I Io Insects of British Columbia and to effect eradication. In 1912 fresh outbreaks were reported from Armstrong and Rutland, in spite of a vigorous and seemingly meticulous inspection service. The worms apparently were imported in nursery cases from Oregon to Armstrong; they came in undetected in settlers' effects to Rutland. An unprecedented cold snap and frost in the spring of 1913 ruined the subsequent apple crop and at the same time eliminated the codling moth in these locations. However, the insects suddenly appeared in the north end of Kelowna in 1913, this time the result of badly infested railway cars. Vigorous spraying of orchards, tree banding, and destruction of all wormy fruit in 1914 and 1915 seemed to pay off, for by the end of 1915 all traces of infestation appeared to have been eliminated. Now it was thought that the Okanagan was free of the codling moth. In August 1915, 24 orchards, comprising about 200 acres, were found harbouring the pest at Westbank. The trees were immediately sprayed and the fruit ordered packed at the packing house instead of in the home orchards. Any fruits showing signs of worms were destroyed in a boiler rigged up on the beach. Trees were banded and patrolled. No apples, pears, or quinces were allowed to leave the district without first being inspected. By methods such as these the localized infestations appeared to have been kept under control. Nevertheless, new orchards were found to contain the pest. In 1916, about 65 acres were found infested at Walachin, the area in which E.R. Buckell performed his first entomological work by supervising the spraying operations. In 1918, two new infestations were located at Vernon. Spraying and quarantine were continued at Westbank and Kelowna, as well as at Vernon, but still a few larvae persisted. In 1919, some 466 foreign refrigerator cars were inspected for codling moth at Okanagan Landing and at Similkameen: 203 specimens were found, 20 of these in one car. When fresh outbreaks occurred on the K.L.O. Benches at Kelowna in 1921, and in orchards at Kaleden and Summerland in 1922, the provincial authorities sought additional detection methods and control procedures. 'Rewards were offered for the detection of codling moth in new areas; $20.00 for the detection of worms in an orchard located in a district where worms had already been found, but outside an actual quarantine area; $100.00 for the detection of codling moth in a section or district in the Okanagan where no quarantine existed." 4 Only three rewards were paid: two of $20 in the Kelowna district and one of $100 in the Kaleden district. In 1922 a further 980 refrigerator cars were inspected, of which 249 were superheated with steam to kill the insects harboured therein. Despite continuing drastic control measures the codling moth continued to survive in the Okanagan. By 1925 more than 1400 acres had been sprayed and more than 2900 larvae and pupae were still found in the Vernon, Kelowna, and Penticton areas. Most of the officials of the British Columbia Department of Agriculture came to realize that quarantine meas-

111 British Columbia entomology

ures were becoming of Jess value each year because the pest appeared to be firmly entrenched. In 1926, W.H. Robertson, Provincial Horticulturist, reported: It was decided by the government that the old system of quarantine areas and the spraying of same for the control of codling moth would be discontinued at the end of 1925. Districts were, however, given the opportunity of forming compulsory spraying zones. An Order in Council was passed which made this possible upon receipt of a petition from any district signed by 60 per cent of the growers. [The Horticultural] Branch also thought it advisable that there should be certain regulations as to the number of spray machines. This requirement was finally placed at one 4-horsepower machine for every 50 acres. Regulations were also drafted based upon the 'Agricultural Act', Part II, R.S.B.C. 1924, which outlined the actual spraying requirements and penalties for non-compliance. Because of certain deficiencies in the Act under which this work would have to be carried out no spraying zones were formed. It is expected, however, that with the amendment to the Act which it is proposed to make at the next meeting of the Legislature there will be a number of zones established during the coming year. 25

The hard-working and zealous entomologists realized their efforts were being largely wasted. From this point on the provincial government did not become directly involved in spraying or quarantine, except in a supervisory capacity. Growers were made responsible for the control of the pest and had to bear the costs of such endeavours: All quarantine work was dropped in 1926 and the Okanagan Valley south of Vernon was assumed to be generally infested with codling moth. Though many sections then were commercially free of the insect, infestations were so numerous and widespread that it was conceded by officials and most growers that the codling moth had become a pest with which the apple industry had to learn to live. Thereafter, despite a strict quarantine and a number of eradication campaigns, outbreaks occurred sporadically in most of the Interior fruit growing districts until, in 1926, the provincial authorities declared that the insect was generally distributed and that the growers would have to cope with it themselves. 26

The codling moth had triumphed! It had invaded a new land and had conquered it. The Canadian orchardist had to learn to live with it, to accept its presence as fact, or give up. Both stayed. Under the direction of Thomas Cunningham, who had been in charge of fruit inspection work since 1896, and who succeeded R.M. Palmer as Inspector of Fruit Pests in 1902, the quarantine regime for other insect species was run most effectively in the

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Insects of British Columbia

first decades of the century. Inspection and fumigation regulations had become increasingly rigid because many native insects were no longer quiescent, but had reached pest status in the expanded sphere of farming and fruit-growing. Also, some insect pests were introduced, having slipped through the carefully screened border of rigorous inspection procedures. This had the added effect of stimulating the use of artificial control measures in the field. Hand sprayers were being replaced by more sophisticated equipment. The first power spraying unit was a 'Bean' sprayer, brought into British Columbia in 1910. 2 ' By 1914 there were nine large machines, operated by representatives of the provincial government, in various sections of the province. In addition to these there were at least 25 private machines operating in the Okanagan district. All this activity in applied entomology stimulated the provincial Department of Agriculture to appoint a 'Provincial Entomologist and Plant Pathologist' to coordinate all pest control activity. The Board of Agriculture had requested the creation of the position, and the appointment went to W.H. Brittain in April 1912. To prevent duplication of services, and to provide the agricultural producers with better access to improved entomological services, Brittain agreed with R.C. Treherne to establish his headquarters at Vernon. By doing so he would be in a position, within the interior of the province, to give 'instant' service to that region of the province, while Treherne, the federal entomologist at Agassiz, would do the same thing for the Lower Fraser valley and Vancouver Island. This was the general arrangement that was agreed to and it seemed to offer the growers the best type of service obtainable. Since Brittain had two portfolios to administer, an assistant was provided for him. M.H. (Max) Ruhmann was appointed 'Assistant Entomologist and Plant Pathologist,' taking up his new duties in August 1912, at Vernon. This appointment was once more a very fortuitous one for the fruit growers. Ruhmann had devoted a lot of time and energy to entomology and pathology at the Glasnevin Botanical Gardens in Ireland, but he emigrated to Canada in 1907 with the intention of becoming a fruit grower. To prepare himself for this he had worked on fruit ranches in the Kootenay and Okanagan areas, prior to his appointment. Most of his work was to be that of an extension entomologist, where his natural talents of photography, preparation of slides, exhibits, and displays, and his expertise at identifying insects made his presence and efforts a boon to those growers that sought his advice. Brittain resigned his position in Vernon in 1913, to take up the duties of professor of entomology at the Agricultural College, Truro, Nova Scotia. That left the provincial work without 'official' leadership. Treherne was temporarily given the job of directing the provincial entomological work until such time as a provincial entomologist could be appointed. Brittain's replacement, J.W. Eastham, arrived in the

II3 British Columbia entomology spring of 1914, but, like his predecessor, he did not remain in Vernon very long. Eastham was more interested in plant pathology than in entomology, and he seemed to prefer living in the bigger urban centres. When the new court house was opened in Vancouver in 1915 he took the opportunity to move there and establish his provincial headquarters for plant pathology in that centre. In the meantime, Max Ruhmann remained in Vernon as the provincial entomological 'anchor man,' a position he held until his retirement in 1942. Brittain, Ruhmann, and later Eastham were expected to undertake biological studies of insects, be involved in extension work, and take part in actual insect control. Such duties could have conflicted with, or overlapped the studies performed by Treherne at Agassiz. However, by mutual consent and agreement, no duplication of effort was effected. They co-operated in all phases of the entomological work, so that the two units worked together with trust, harmony, and enthusiasm. The second provincial entomological unit was the 'Inspector of Fruit Pests,' under the auspices of the Horticultural Board. Much of the experimental chemical control of insects, and the assessment of new poisons, was performed by this office, and its incumbent, Thomas Cunningham. The Assistant Inspector of Fruit Pests, W.H. Lyne, who had to take over the duties of Cunningham when the later died suddenly on 16 February 1916, did much of the early work of chemical control of the codling moth. However, through a co-operative agreement with Treherne, and by mutual goodwill, such efforts were never duplicated, and the provincial officers never felt that their spheres of influence and operation were encroached upon by the federal entomology unit. During the decade before the First World War, insect pests appear to have been more troublesome to horticulturists and agriculturists than before. After the codling moth was discovered at Kamloops in 1904, sporadic outbreaks kept everyone alerted and on the defensive. One of the early outbreaks of this insect occurred at Royal Oak, near Victoria. The rather drastic measure of cutting down all the infested trees - a move that raised the ire of the local citizenry - was not a permanent cure, even though the attempt at eradication was well-meant. Spraying then became the accepted practice and growers were resigned to the fact that they would have to accept the chemical control of the insect as part of their normal operational procedure. Having resigned themselves to one entomological 'fact of life,' the insect world was bound to liven things up for the grower in some other way. This time it was not to be an outbreak of a known pest, but a sudden appearance of a new pest, this one on pears. In April 1915, a prominent orchardist, T.A. Brydon of Royal Oak- the home of the apple tree massacre - was spraying his apple and pear trees with limesulphur solution to control 'scab.' When he noticed the scorched appearance of the

114 Insects of British Columbia

buds of several trees, he stopped spraying because he feared the injury was due to the lime-sulphur treatment. Further investigation showed that the buds of nontreated trees were similarly affected. A call for help went out to the Provincial Horticulturist, R.M. Winslow, who sent out the field inspector, E.W. White, to investigate. The examination of the orchard showed that thrips were present, and a number of them were submitted to Treherne for identification. These proved to be the pear thrip Taeniothrips inconsequcns, a dreaded fruit-insect pest known in Europe and in the eastern United States. The Dominion Entomologist, C.G. Hewitt, called for an immediate control campaign. The Brydon orchards were sprayed and a survey was made to learn of the distribution of the pest. Of greater consequence was the fact that Hewitt found a suitable countryman who could take charge of the control campaign. He was A.E. Cameron, still in Manchester University when he was appointed a field officer of the Dominion Entomological Branch. He arrived in Canada in the spring of 1916 and was sent to Royal Oak where a temporary field laboratory had been set up in an old barn in the Brydon orchard. Treherne temporarily closed the Agassiz laboratory, and moved to Royal Oak also, where the two federal officers then began life history studies and conducted control experiments. The results of their labours were extremely satisfactory, and the control measures they recommended 'were so successful [that] in one of the infested orchards which only produced 700 boxes of fruit in 1915, a crop of approximately 7000 boxes was obtained in 1916." 8 Early in 1917, Cameron was transferred back to Ottawa, from where he went to Saskatoon to establish a dominion entomological laboratory, and then resigned from the branch in 1920. Treherne went back to the Entomological Laboratory at Agassiz to attend to the myriad of other insect pest problems confronting the growers in southern British Columbia. The pear thrip episode was not over, even though Cameron and Treherne had completed sufficient work in one year to enable orchardists to suppress its ravages. More investigational work was required and Hewitt was convinced that a new appointee was necessary for the project. William Downes was appointed in 1917 to complete the life history studies of the pear thrip, and to attend to any other insect trouble that might develop on the island. Downes had been introduced to entomology early in life, in England, by his father and two elder brothers, all of whom were ardent collectors of insects. At Bristol Grammar School he had ample opportunity to study the natural sciences. After sheep ranching in Australia, he tried mixed farming near Armstrong, British Columbia, in 1902. During the next fourteen years he was exposed to noxious insects, and was well prepared for research work when it was offered to him by Hewitt in 1917. So successful and satisfactory was the completion of his assignment of perfecting pear thrip control that when the Royal Oak laboratory closed in 1919, a new dominion entomological laboratory was opened in Victoria, and Downes was

11 5

British Columbia entomology

placed in charge. He received his permanent appointment on 1 September 1919. His work at Victoria is examined in chapter 9. Soon after Hewitt had succeeded to the position of Dominion Entomologist, the Division of Entomology of the Dominion Department of Agriculture was reorganized. One new branch of the division was 'Natural Control Unit' whose members were charged with the responsibility of finding, rearing, and using biological agents for insect control. The presence of the Royal Oak laboratory in British Columbia made it very convenient to use the premises for more than just a centre for pear thrip investigations. The Natural Control Unit was very interested in finding parasites capable of reducing populations of many forest insect pests. In 1917, J.D. Tothill 'settled in' in the Royal Oak laboratory and began a study of the parasites of the tent caterpillar. One of the objectives of his move to British Columbia was to collect parasitic tachinid flies, Blepharipeza sp., for shipment back to eastern Canada. He was also looking for parasites of the spruce budworm and the fall webworm; such searches carried him throughout the province although he concentrated his efforts in areas near Lillooet, the Lower Fraser valley, and on Vancouver Island. Tothill, at this time, conceived the idea of introducing a beetle, Calosoma syncophanta, which was a predator of the larvae of tent caterpillars and oak loopers. The latter insects were consistently denuding some of the 'royal oaks' in the capital city, and some permanent means of control was sought so as to keep the city beautiful. One of the shipments of beetles was released by Tothill in 1917, and a second by Downes in 1918. This was the first attempt at natural control, through the use of predators, in British Columbia. The experiments were not successful because the life cycles of the predator and the prey were not synchronized. Consequently, the beetles did not become established on the island, and this initial attempt at biological control failed. Despite the failure, Tothill believed the program was sufficiently promising to be continued. In the spring of 1918, he sent his assistant, A.B. Baird, to British Columbia, 'for the purpose of undertaking a systematic study into the parasitism of the tent caterpillars, the spruce budworm and fall web-worm." 9 Since this work required a lot of labour to collect the cocoons and to mass-rear the thousands of larvae, Baird required some assistance. An experienced assistant, Reginald Glendenning, was available. He, together with Baird, made Agassiz headquarters for this work. Baird remained in British Columbia until the end of 1920 and then returned to his former headquarters at Fredericton, New Brunswick. Reginald Glendenning had come to Canada in 1907 from England, with an interest in natural history and a basic education in the natural sciences. At the Royal Horti-

116 Insects of British Columbia cultural Society's gardens at Wisley he gained practical experience in horticulture and entomology. In Duncan, British Columbia, he was hired by the Vancouver Island Nursery Co. Ltd. When this firm went bankrupt he tried everything from grave digging to banking. In April 1915, Glendenning met Treherne when the latter addressed the members of the local Natural History Society in Duncan. Receiving a negative reply from Treherne to his.question regarding the occurrence of 'big bud' on black currants in the Duncan area, Glendenning then showed him some bushes infested with the black currant bud-mites. This mite had evidently escaped detection by Cunningham and his inspectors, and had been imported from England or Scotland by a nursery in Somenos. Treherne was impressed that Glendenning had recognized the mite as the pest of small fruits that it was. The Dominion Entomologist found that it was the only record of occurrence in North America. Hewitt, therefore, advised Treherne to eradicate it, if possible. Because Glendenning had recognized the pest, he was selected to eradicate it. To do so he had to get out of the army, in which service he found himself at the time of the Duncan meeting. He held the rank of gunner in the 5th Regiment Canadian Garrison Artillery, at Esquimalt, British Columbia. He was granted 'Agricultural Duties' in 1916 to leave the army and to start his first entomological employment. The eradication program made it necessary to survey Vancouver Island for the presence of the Eriophyes mite. This took him on a tour of the whole of the southern half of the island, not by car - the Model-T was still very scarce - but by bicycle, and by horse and buggy. The infestation of mites on black currants was much more widespread than had been expected. Glendenning related: An interview with one of Duncan's numerous gentleman-farmers, while on this work, has remained in my memory. The said gentleman had no 'big bud' on his current bushes, but complained bitterly of the ravages of the current fruit fly, stating that the previous year his crop had been so badly infested that he could not eat it and had to sell it - spoken in all sincerity too.30

The eradication program of the black currant mite was quite successful, for as far as is known the mite has not become established in British Columbia. For Glendenning this was, indeed, high praise. In fact, it may have been the reason for his appointment as an assistant to Baird at Agassiz, where parasite collections were made from 1918 to 1920. Glendenning's work was creditable to such an extent that he was appointed officer-in-charge of the Agassiz laboratory in 1921, a position he retained until he

117 British Columbia entomology

retired in 1953. He died, in retirement, in March 1977. Glendenning's work at Agassiz is the subject of chapter 10. In 1918 dominion headquarters in British Columbia were transferred from Agassiz to Vernon, and direction of provincial entomological activities was transferred to Treherne, now at Vernon. Max Ruhmann was relieved of executive duties and left free for insect investigation. This arrangement between the provincial and the federal entomological services was to remain in effect for many years. Not only did the province provide laboratory and field assistants, but also made office space available and provided a stenographer. In addition to this, the mechanics of the provincial Department of Agriculture were always available when required, and supplemented the meagre facilities of the federal laboratory in many ways. The codling moth was becoming more of a problem and the Horticultural Board engaged E.R. Buckell to attempt its eradication at Walhachin, British Columbia. Buckell was a graduate in natural science from Caius College, Cambridge, and had spent two years on his father's fruit farm at Salmon Arm since moving to Canada in 1913. The war intervened; he enlisted, served actively till wounded, and was repatriated in 1917. His interests in entomology favoured field crop insects and, in particular, the grasshoppers on the rangelands of the interior of the province. Therefore, Treherne placed him in 1919 at Penticton where he investigated the habits of the peach-twig borer, as well as the grasshoppers in the lower Okanagan valley. In 1920, he continued his grasshopper investigations but made the Chilcotin district his headquarters. Treherne remarked: It is interesting to note, so far as I am aware, this was the first time the Chilcotins have been visited to investigate any special insect problem. The sad depletion of the range from overgrazing and from the influence of locusts necessitated some action, and it is hoped that as a result of Mr. Buckell's investigations some measures will be adopted, in co-operation with the Provincial Range Commissioner, to better the conditions. 3 '

Although he worked under the direction of Treherne, Buckell remained on the payroll of the provincial government until April 1922, and then became a full-time employee of the Dominion Entomological Branch. Later in that year, when Treherne was transferred to Ottawa to become Chief, Division of Field Crop and Garden Insects, Buckell was promoted to officer-in-charge at Vernon. He was responsible for all entomological work except for that relating to pests of forests and livestock. As Buckell himself remarked:

II8 Insects of British Columbia Spraying was becoming a somewhat general practice, although, even in 1919 and for several years following, hand pumps were the order of the day. Many of us made our own limesulphur sprays and this material was applied assiduously in the dormant period [of the trees], usually before the snow had left the ground, and there was satisfaction in the brilliant yellow colouring of the snow coupled with the penetrating and healthful odour, which one felt, must be toxic to all pests.32

In conclusion, entomology appeared well entrenched in British Columbia by the end of the First World War. Noxious insects were on the increase, having kept pace with agricultural expansion and human settlement. No longer were the insects merely the showy forms of life to attract the attention of collectors and naturalists. Many species had become very serious pests that threatened the livelihood and the well-being of many. Governments at all levels showed concern and initiated programs of control. This action was acclaimed in many quarters for it gave rise to an expanding science of entomology and a growing number of entomologists. The finding of more new species - some imported - required the services of specialists in taxonomy and systematics, for the old-time collector was unable to handle the volume of work to be done in identifying insects. Hence there was the need for, and the establishment of, the Systematics Unit of the Division of Entomology in Ottawa. New noxious pests had to be investigated and controls sought. The naturalistbiologist of the nineteenth century became the practical entomologist of the twentieth century. Men versed and schooled in studies of insect life histories, control, and ecology became responsible for fumigation and quarantine procedures. Where necessary, chemical control was used to stop an outbreak until more permanent methods of agronomic practice and biological control were devised. In Canada the use of biological agents was recognized early as one of the fundamental tenets of the science of entomology - hence, the establishment of the Natural Control Unit. Furthermore, because of the diversity of noxious insects no one individual could be all things to farmers, foresters, gardeners, cattlemen, and householders. Specialists were required to deal with the various subdisciplines of insect attack. Fortunately for British Columbia the ideals of the Dominion Entomologist led to the establishment of further units, notably those of Field Crop and Garden, Forest, Household, and Vegetable Insects. Men who headed these units would set the pace for continued good insect pest suppression and identification in the province.

8 Eric Hearle versusmosquitoes

While attempting to conduct experiments on the control of biting flies which annoyed military personnel in the Churchill region, one American stated: 'In my naive, provincial way I thought I had already seen mosquitoes on the loose, but I was not prepared for the countless numbers of Aedes that accompanied us almost constantly on our daily routine." That was in 1947. The same sentiments had been expressed by J.K. Lord, an officer of the British Boundary Commission, who in 1866 wrote: 'Reader, if you have never been in British Columbia, then I say, you do not know anything about insect persecution; neither can you form the faintest idea of the terrible suffering foes so seemingly insignificant as the bloodthirsty horsefly (Tabanus), the tiny burning fly (beulot or sand-fly of the trappers), and the wellknown and deservedly-hated mosquito, are capable of inflicting." Words like these expressed the enormity of the biting fly problem in a province splendidly endowed with all the necessities for successful habitation and cultivation by man. Because the boundary commission personnel were in southern British Columbia before the time of land settlement, their experiences with the biting insects were those encountered in a pristine environment. Charles Wilson of the commission reported: June 16th, [1859) (Headquarters Camp, Chilukweyuk Prairie). My office marquee is now set up, but the mosquitoes are something fearful & one has the pleasure of knowing that they are only a few unfortunates, born before their time as their regular season comes on next month & the month after when the water falls, when they are so bad that even the Indians clear out. There is a small kind of gnat here called the sand fly which is even worse than the mosquito, as it is so small it gets through the mosquito curtains & its sting is very venomous. At present my skin is something like a leopard's, all spotted; it is very laughable after all, you jump into your bath in the morning, & have to keep hard at work sponging away to prevent the 'squitoes' setting & then make a dive under the nets to dress, every now and then you see

I 20 Insects of British Columbia

a fellow jump up & rub himself vigorously all over, fairly driven to extremities as the sand flies get in everywhere, up your legs & arms, down your back in fact no part of the body is exempt; night and day there is no intermission ... [Captain) Lord & I turn out before 6 every morning & rush across the prairie to take a bathe in a beautifully clear stream, but awful! cold; we then jump into our clothes scarcely stopping to dry ourselves & rush away from the 'squitoes'. 3 With the coming of mid-July the mosquito problem became so fierce that no one could endure the torture. The axemen, who had cut a 20-foot wide swath through the timber to show the location of the boundary, refused to go to work. Two mules had been blinded and even the Indians remained in their smoky huts. By the end of July Wilson decided to leave the lower British Columbia lowlands because all of the boundary commission work had been suspended or its activities transferred to the higher altitude levels of the Cascade Mountains. On his way 'out' Wilson had found that 'the mosquito bites had turned into boils & riding was excessively painful.' He stopped at Chiliwack to catch the train and while waiting visited an Indian chief: The old chiefs wife took compassion on my wretched state & having asked my permission, they brought out the paint bag & painted my face & hands with vermillion & certainly the relief was very great; you would have laughed to have seen me painted up like an Indian ... As I am now leaving the mosquito country, I may as well tell you some of the effects of these venomous little animals & pray do not think I am inventing stories to amuse you, as however incredible, they are perfectly true. My hands, during the last few days, have been so swollen & stiff that I could hardly bend my joints & have to wrap them in wet towels to be ready for the next day's work; one's hands are literally covered with them when writing & even when wearing kid gloves the bites through the needle holes in the seams were sufficient to produce this. Each mule, as it is packed, is obliged to be led into a circle of fires continually kept up, as they are quite intractable when worried by the mosquitoes; two of Darrah's mules have been blinded & 6 of our horses were so reduced that we had to turn them out on the prairie & let them take their chance of living. I never saw anything like the state of their skins, one mass of sores. Our tents used frequently to be so covered with mosquitoes inside & out, that it was difficult to see the canvas & the very action of getting under the curtains introduced so many it was impossible to kill them or sleep; even after smoking them all out, in half an hour it was just the same, whatever pains we took to shut up the tents. We are all of us, as you may imagine, a good deal pulled down by want of sleep & continual irritation; Lord & Lyall especially look some years older than before, their faces drawn in as if they had been on short food, it has brought several grey hairs on the Doctor though he won't acknowledge them; however, we shall all get fat again at Victoria during the winter. 4

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This account portended a very slow rate of European settlement in that region.

It was not until about forty years later, at the turn of the century, that agriculture, forestry, and small industry became established in a number of local areas. Further development then proceeded at a faster pace so that the Lower Fraser valley, a low-lying valley of rich alluvial soil, had become fairly densely populated by 1915. Dairy interests were extensive and small-fruit culture flourished in the HatzicMission district. Lumbering was of vital importance and many lumbering camps and mills were thriving in the adjacent country at higher altitudes. All of the small towns had viable small industries such as brick-yards and jam factories. Yet all of these were at one time or another affected by hordes of mosquitoes. The valley is very low: Mission City, some fifty miles east of Lulu Island on the Pacific Ocean, is a mere 21 feet above sea level. Flooding was extensive in wet years and this was especialy so in the great flood of 1894, as well as in I 9 I 1. In these years mosquitoes reached colossal numbers. These were the crisis years when everything and everyone was affected by their venomous attacks. Reference has already been made to the work and experiences of the men of the British Boundary Commission, of work that had to be abandoned for several months, and of men seeking refuge in the hills until autumn when populations of mosquitoes died off. When settlement became extensive, and industry was initiated, such enterprises could not be abandoned during the mosquito season. Yet, prior to any concentrated efforts at control, 'civilization' did seem to come to a stop in early summer. In the small-fruit district of Hatzic-Mission, of late years nearly all the picking (of small fruits) has been done by white girls from the cities, who consider berry picking a holiday and a change from urban conditions. This class of labour is particularly susceptible to the attacks of mosquitoes. Many of the girls exhibit considerable pluck in remaining at work, but their efficiency is very greatly reduced as berry picking and fighting mosquitoes are quite incompatible occupations ... The mosquito season and the berry picking season coincide almost exactly ... The losses incurred by growers of small-fruits owing to the mosquito pest ... amount to as much as 35 per cent of the crop during seasons of extreme mosquito abundance. It is claimed that in 1911 the loss of smallfruits at Matsqui Prairie amounted to 75 per cent of the crop. Dairy and livestock farmers suffer much loss due to mosquito attacks upon their animals ... [There isl marked reduction in milk flow ... from 30 to 40 per cent when mosquitoes were at their worst, and this even where protection was given with smudges, etc .... Death has actually taken place as a result of mosquito bites. Calves, foals, and in some cases even mature animals have been among the victims. A number of poultrymen have stated that they noticed a marked reduction in egg laying during seasons of mosquito abundance.

122 Insects of British Columbia During the more serious mosquito outbreaks, the loss to the lumbering industry ... has been very great. In 1911, practically all camps were closed down; and since then during years of mosquito abundance, logging undertakings have been greatly handicapped, operations in the woods frequently having been suspended for as long as six weeks at a time. Mr. Miller, manager of the works [Clayburn Brick and Tile Factory] from 1909 to 1916, stated that in 1911, which was the worst year while he was in office, the attacks of mosquitoes caused the works to be closed down for a period of three weeks, the workers leaving for Vancouver or other points outside the mosquito zone. For six weeks the works were only partly operated. In 1911, an electrical plant for generating 40,000 horse-power was under construction at Stave Falls near Ruskin. Mosquitoes appeared in intolerable numbers and it was feared that it would be impossible to retain the men at work although it was essential that construction be completed by a given date. The officers of the company persuaded the men to remain by guaranteeing that everything possible would be done to alleviate conditions. Over $2000 were expended in mosquito netting, on smudges, and other methods of protection. Every man was provided with a mosquito veil and gauntlets, but even with such protection the efficiency of the labourers was greatly reduced. The men were obliged to keep their veils on even at meal times, and smudges were kept burning in the bunk houses night and day . ... Survey parties [found] it almost impossible to work ... The mosquito pest [was] responsible for delays in the construction of certain important highways. Hotels and health resorts in the affected district suffer considerable financial losses during years of mosquito abundance. Visitors expecting to stay several weeks often leave within a day or two after arrival. Numbers of people, chiefly women and children, migrate from the affected zones during seasons of bad outbreaks. In 1911, there was a general exodus of the inhabitants of the small lumbering settlement of Steelhead, not far from Mission City, the mosquitoes which probably bred some six or seven miles away, have settled in the shelter of the woods literally driving the people out. 5

These were the conditions experienced by the residents of the Lower Fraser valley. Until the second decade of the twentieth century few people were convinced that mosquitoes could be controlled: the pest had to be tolerated. In the 1910s many of the more enlightened residents of the valley began to realize that control might be possible and they began to agitate for action so as to alleviate the problem. Several governing bodies, farmer's institutes, and other organizations interested in the development of rural life on the Lower Mainland also were involved in meetings and discussions with governmental bodies. 6 By the autumn of 1918 public opinion had swelled so perceptibly that R.C. Treherne, federal entomologist at Agassiz, called for a meeting of municipal representatives, and other authorities, to initiate action designed to control mosquitoes.

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The meeting was held at Mission on 10 September 1918, chaired by C.E. Tisdal!. Present were members of the Vancouver Board of Trade, the reeves of the Fraser valley municipalities, C.G. Hewitt, the Dominion Entomologist, and Treherne. As a result of the ensuing discussions, Hewitt promised to appoint an officer from his Branch to investigate and report on the biology and species of the mosquitoes present in the valley, and to assist the municipalities by general advice and suggestion. The Vancouver Board of Trade undertook to draft a 'Mosquito-control Act' which could be submitted to the Provincial House for discussion and endorsation. 7

Hewitt held a further meeting with the Minister of Agriculture, to whom he later submitted recommendations for a definite policy for the control of mosquitoes in the Lower Fraser valley, an area measuring about 75 miles long and 30 miles broad. 8 It was agreed that permanent control of mosquitoes would depend mainly upon the development of unsettled land, which might form part of a land settlement scheme, and the prevention, by means of drains and dykes, of floods in spring and early summer. Early in 1919, the government introduced legislation that was aimed at the control of mosquitoes in the Fraser valley. Most members of the house were in favour of such legislation, especially Major W.J. McIntosh, who was interested in up-dating health care in the province. He approved of the 'Mosquito Bill' and 'pointed to the fact that with men returning [from the First World War] with chronic cases of malaria acquired in France and the well-known means of dissemination of the malady by the mosquito, the possibility of an outbreak of that malady in the Fraser Valley must be guarded against.' 9 Whether malaria could have been distributed in southern British Columbia remains in doubt. Today it is known that five species of anopheline mosquitoes are present in the region, but only one is considered to be a potential vector of malaria. The species itself is never very numerous. 10 These facts were not known by the politicians of the day but it was a strong talking point. The populace generally accepted the malaria aspect of the argument. However, when details of the bill were presented to the house by the Hon. E.D. Burrow, Minister of Agriculture, and were made known to the public, opposition started to mount. It wasn't that people did not want the legislation, especially since malaria might be involved; it was the compulsory nature and the taxation of property to finance control measures that gave the Fraser valley municipalities cause for objection. 'A delegation consisting of Messrs. W.E. Payne, secretary of the Vancouver Board of Trade; Reeve Catherwood, of Mission; and Reeve McCallum of Matsqui,

124 Insects of British Columbia waited on the minister of agriculture on Monday [18 February 1919) with regard to the revision of "mosquito" legislation."' They pointed out to the minister that they objected to direct taxation and asked for a revision of the bill that would provide for the establishment of mosquito control districts. They added that this would also provide for direct action by the municipalities afflicted with mosquitoes, as well as permit government assistance. A 'watered-down' version provided that the Government may create mosquito control districts, to include lands only within the limits of one municipality, upon petition of ten residents of any district. The municipality within which the district is located is given power to levy a rate not exceeding two mills to meet the expense of the measures taken to eradicate the pest."

The act also gave any ten resident ratepayers of a proposed mosquito district the right to present a petition of objection to the whole measure. Because the various municipalities were each populated by a variety of agricultural producers, many of whom may not have been bothered by mosquitoes to the same extent as were the berry pickers, there was a strong possibility that the amended legislation would be very weak. However, it was passed and given royal assent. The Vancouver Board of Trade had kept its word, for it had initiated legislation for the control of mosquitoes. Now C.G. Hewitt, to keep his end of the bargain, appointed Eric Hearle, the only man he could find who knew something about mosquitoes, to investigate the problem in southern British Columbia. Hearle had received his BSA degree from the Ontario Agricultural College at Guelph in 1917. He had started his university studies in 1912 but these were interrupted when he enlisted in the 4th Battalion in 1914. He returned in 1916, severely wounded, but recuperated to resume his studies and graduate. He then joined the college staff, and while resident master and lecturer in English literature and composition, in 1917 and 1918, he also indulged in entomological endeavours. He had been involved in a study of the mosquitoes of Ontario while working for Professor L. Caesar, Provincial Entomologist of Ontario, and these insects continued to be of interest to him. His work in British Columbia was initially financed by the Honorary Advisory Council for Scientific and Industrial Research Oater the National Research Council), which granted Hear le a scholarship, in the form of a studentship, tenable in 1919.The Dominion Entomological Branch defrayed all of his expenses and established a temporary laboratory at Mission, British Columbia, for his work. The biological studies of mosquitoes, especially the fauna! surveys, were continued in 1920 and 1921, after his appointment as an assistant entomologist by the Entomological Branch.

125 Eric Hearle versus mosquitoes

Prior to 1919 no systematic collecting of mosquitoes had been attempted in the valley. Therefore, no one knew how many species there were or which were the real trouble-makers. It was now Hearle's job to find out. He criss-crossed the valley from the international boundary to the mountains, from New Westminster to Hope, all by car - a Grey-Dort - or by boat, and even on foot. This was laborious work for he had to penetrate the depths of huge cottonwood flood swamps, innumerable small tributary streams, and a host of temporary freshwater lakes and ponds. It would be much easier, and much faster, to survey the area from the air. This he set out to do. The experiences of war came to his aid as he recalled: Those who were in the raid zone during zeppelin activities may remember that ornamental ponds were drained dry in the cities, because they stood out so clearly as to act as guides to the raiders. The mosquito hordes, which raid the houses, woods and fields of the Lower Fraser Valley in restless search of blood of humans and of cattle, have had this lesson of zeppelin days applied against them; and their breeding places - temporary flood water swamps- stand out clear and distinct to the view of those in the cockpit of an aeroplane.' 3 Hearle was the first to use the airplane, for entomological purposes in Canada. In August 1919, Lieutenant G.K. Trimm, of the Vancouver Aerial League, landed in Chilliwack on his way to the interior of the province. Hearle, in Chilliwack at the time, persuaded the pilot to fly with him over the Chilliwack, Sumas, and Nicomen areas. While doing so he took several photographs with his small camera. He also made notes as to the breeding places in these districts, for they were readily distinguishable from the air. So successful and useful was the information obtained on that short flight that Hearle was determined to make further use of the air reconnaissance method in his mosquito work. The Dominion Entomologist endorsed his request for the further use of aircraft, and a second flight was scheduled. On 28 May 1921, the seaplane CYBB, piloted by W.H. Brown, flew to Hatzic Lake from Vancouver, where Hearle emplaned together with C.J. Duncan, the photographer from the Experimental Farm at Agassiz, to fly over the entire valley. Hearle directed the taking of the aerial photographs while flying at an altitude of 7,000 feet. In four hours' flying time they had obtained pictorial and written information covering all the flood-water breeding areas in a territory of some 2,000 square miles. Hearle was so enthused, he commented, 'Imagine the army of surveyors and the expenditure needed to obtain this information by any other means than by aerial survey.' Because the flight had been made when the level of water in the Fraser valley was relatively low ( 17 feet 6 inches above sea level), another survey was required to ascertain how much flooding would occur during high water freshet levels. Conditions were right on 12 June when the river water reached its peak at 21 feet 4 inches.

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Hearle once more emplaned to take the photographs and to note the flooded areas. The information gathered on this and the previous flight formed the basis for most of the subsequent control recommendations dealing with dyking, drainage, and reclamation. Hearle's enthusiasm for work was unlimited. 'His arm was a mass of bumps from his habit of feeding his caged material there-on," 4 because this was his way of personally testing the virulence of the bites of the different species. The report that he wrote on his three seasons of work still stands as a standard reference to the mosquito problem, and its control, in the Lower Fraser valley. Major changes, he insisted, had to be made in the topography of the lowland, namely, the dyking and draining of flood-prone areas. Only then could oiling of breeding sites become effective. Hearle's investigations proved that most of the 24 species of mosquitoes were very mobile. The Mosquito Control Act of 1919, based on the erroneous assumption that the pest species were non-migratory, did not meet the needs of the Fraser valley conditions. The Minister of Agriculture introduced a bill to repeal the Mosquito Control Act. He stated: that the existing act had not worked out satisfactorily, and since its passing further information concerning the habits of the mosquito had been secured by Federal experts. Prior to this investigation it had been deemed sufficient to spread oil on the waters wherein the mosquitoes were bred, but it had been discovered that the two most ferocious breeds [Acdcs aldrichi and Acdcs sylvestris] 15 could travel fifteen miles and no benefit was secured from the oil treatment over limited areas. One of the experts [Hearle] had cut a slab of earth from Sumas Prairie, kept it for a year until it was as dry as powder, and then, placing it in water of summer temperature had discovered some 653 wrigglers produced in five minutes. The members could figure out what would be produced from some 30,000 acres at Sumas Prairie, he said. 16

The most reasonable hope of obtaining relief from mosquitoes was through the reclamation work at Sumas, whereby a myriad of insects would be eliminated by drainage of the lake lands. Legislation such as that of 1919 would not be of much help except to provide the members of the legislature with some lighter moments during discussion of the repeal bill. W.J. Bowser 'asked if the mosquitoes had behaved themselves any better under government control,' to which Barrow replied, 'that he could not report any marked improvement." 7 The two districts that had been established under the Mosquito Control Act had not made very much progress, and had not made any serious commitments. The sum of $2000 that had been spent on oiling would have been committed in spite of the act; its retention or repeal was of little practical consequence. On 2 April 1921,

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royal assent was given to the repeal, thereby abolishing the former legislation as well as all mosquito-control districts that had been established since 1919. The whole mosquito episode had been a good entomological lesson for the politicians. It made subsequent requests for help, and expenditures of money for reclamation activities, easier to obtain. Government funds were made available to inform people about mosquitoes and their habits. Hearle, during his investigations, had found that a great number of people in the Lower Fraser valley were unable to recognize mosquito larvae and lacked any clear idea of the habits and life histories of mosquitoes. In order to remedy this an educational campaign was undertaken by the Dominion Entomological Branch in 1919 and 1920. By means of newspaper and magazine articles, lantern lectures and exhibits at the large exhibitions and district fairs, popular delusions regarding mosquitoes and their habits were, to some extent, dispelled. There is no doubt that since 1920 the inhabitants of the district have had a far less distorted idea of the nature of mosquitoes than that which formerly existed. 18

By 1921, Hearle had made a thorough study of the mosquito problem in the Lower Fraser valley, and had presented a series of excellent recommendations for its abatement. Officials in Ottawa decided that Hearle was a good man to work on a similar problem at Banff. He was transferred to the Dominion Entomological Laboratory at Vernon, for the winter, where he was to prepare a check list of mosquitoes of British Columbia. He had, together with Arthur Gibson, Dominion Entomologist since 1920, made a survey of the more important breeding places, particularly those adjacent to Lake Louise, in 1921. This was done at the request of the Canadian Pacific Railway, which was developing tourist facilities in the park. The serious mosquito pest problem in the Banff region materially reduced the attractiveness of one of the most important tourist resorts on the continent. At one time the insects appeared in such numbers as to drive away a number of visitors from the resort. N.B. Sanson, curator of the Banff Museum, and S. Childe, of the Dominion Parks Branch, had attempted some control since 1918, but had achieved little success. Because the problem was a prodigious one, it required the full-time services of an entomologist to launch and direct a concerted control program. Armed with Hewitt's notes from 1916 and the survey data of 1921, Gibson took the lead offered by his predecessor Hewitt and appointed Hearle to head the mosquito work at Banff. Subsequently, Hearle found himself in another 'temporary' Dominion Entomological Laboratory, erected for his benefit in the Rocky Mountains Park. He took possession of the new quarters at Banff on 1 July 1922. How-

128 Insects of British Columbia

ever, this time he received some assistance. C.B. Garrett, a seasonal 'Insect Pest Investigator,' hired by the Division of Systematic Entomology, was sent out from Ottawa to make collections and assist in the biology studies. They, of course, had the full co-operation of the Dominion Parks Branch of the Department of the Interior. Hearle's work in Banff continued for three years, from 1922 to 1925, and included 'extensive life-history observations on many species, a study of mosquito parasites and diseases; and in addition, control.n 9 Eighteen species of mosquitoes were found to be present, but only three were important pests. Oiling and brush clearance were part of the program, but the general rough terrain added to the difficulties encountered. It may have been a tourist's paradise, but it was also wild, untamed country, home to many species of large animals, including bears: On returning to their camp rather late, they [Mr. and Mrs. Hearle] found it completely wrecked and a big bear about fifty yards down the trail. They mistook him for a Cinnamon until he turned as if to charge. They slept in the small laboratory and could hear him snuffling all night at the doors and windows. He marooned them in the laboratory for two days, and looked as if he had just made up his mind to come through the window when the wardens put a bullet in him. 20

On 28 June 1925, Banff and district experienced one of the worst windstorms ever recorded in the locality. A tree fell on the laboratory, nearly demolishing it, but the laboratory was unoccupied at the time, and no harm was done to humans. In spite of physical setbacks and personal dangers, Hearle, with his boundless energy and enthusiasm, was able to report excellent progress in his work. Oiling became a regular practice and was conducted over a district of about 4 by 6 miles, involving about 1,400 acres of breeding area ... The total expenditure for oiling, cutting trails, ditching and other permanent work amounts to about $3,000 annually and this appears to be a very modest sum when one realizes that some 124,000 tourists utilized the park in 1925, that the number is increasing greatly each year, and that each tourist represents a good many dollars profit to the community. 21

Hearle also undertook some biological studies, including work with predacious fish. Several species were known to be predators of mosquito larvae. A shipment of 600 specimens of Gambusia a/finis was sent to Hearle on 25 July 1924 by L.G. Lenert, sanitary engineer, Board of Health, Sacramento, California. Some of the fish were placed in warm sulphur water, in the hope they would form a nucleus from which the population would spread to other mosquito-infested waters. Large numbers were placed in lakes from which they could also spread over

129 Eric Hearle versus mosquitoes

the mosquito breeding grounds during flood time. Unfortunately, Hearle was never able to revisit the area in which the fish had been released; consequently, it was not known whether they became acclimatized to open water or, more important, acclimatized to cold water. 22 Even though some of his research fell flat, the majority of his investigations had far-reaching effects. Hearle also visited the Lake Louise area and was invited to meet with civic officials from cities in many other parts of western Canada. As a result, many municipalities started their own mosquito control programs. In Kamloops the mosquitoes were troublesome due to the flooding of breeding areas by the waters of the Thompson River. The city council started oiling operations in 1925, after getting recommendations from Hearle, and has continued the program annually. The 'Eagle Valley Municipal League' was formed in 1925 when $1000 was raised to combat a serious mosquito nuisance in the Eagle valley from Sicamous East to Craigellachee. Hearle surveyed the area, advised the authorities, and control was started in earnest. Also upon advice from Hearle, the city council of Kelowna started control operations in 1923, and did much to reduce the pests within the city limits. Similar work was done in the rural districts of Creston, Lake Louise, the southern Okanagan, and at Whitehorse in the Yukon. To inhabitants of the lower mainland of British Columbia mosquitoes were a wellknown entity. Even the name of Harrison and its hot springs conjured up visions of clouds of mosquitoes. The management of the original hotel, burned down in 1919, had often been in despair during July of each year, and had been obliged to discourage guests from coming to the hotel during that month. The logging industry was often interfered with and in exceptionally bad years women and children left the district. 23 The Harrison Hot Springs Hotel Company of Harrison Lake had built a new 100-room health and pleasure resort in 1925, on the site of the old hotel, and was anxious to do something about mosquito abatement. The only control measures tried, previous to 1926, were the application of a few barrels of fuel oil dumped into the Miami River at various points along its course. Unfortunately, the oil was too heavy to spread into the chief larval breeding areas. Reginald Glendenning, of the Agassiz Entomological Laboratory (see chapter 10), was asked for advice and assistance, and in late 1926 and early 1927 he surveyed the likely breeding areas adjacent to the hotel and about thirty acres of breeding swamps were located in an area of 750 acres of densely timbered land within a mile and a half of the hotel. In the spring of 1927, trails were cut to and through the swamps on about one half of the area and about 600 gallons of diesel oil were applied in season. This had the result of reducing the mosquito pest to one quarter of its usual intensity. 24

130 Insects of British Columbia

Glendenning employed the same techniques of drainage and oiling used elsewhere by Hearle. The abatement of the problem was welcomed by the hotel company, which was able to remain in business during the busy tourist season. To the tourist and hotel guest it meant undisturbed relaxation amid scenic splendour, while to Glendenning it meant professional gratification, personal satisfaction, and the free run of the establishment including its pools, golf course, food, and the better brands of liquid refreshment! At the end of every summer of the years 1922 to 1925, Eric Hearle returned to Vernon, British Columbia, his initial headquarters. On 17 May 1926, he was transferred to the newly established Dominion Entomological Laboratory at Indian Head, Saskatchewan. Arthur Gibson and his Entomological Branch advisers had decided to open a new laboratory in western Canada to study and control livestock insects. Because the mosquito work at Banff and Lake Louise had been successfully completed, and the work of abatement could now be safely left in the hands of the Parks Branch, Hearle was no longer needed there. His duties at Indian Head, now that he was in charge of the new laboratory, were greatly increased. He was directed to begin studies of the biology and control of prairie mosquitoes and other biting flies, as well as of warble flies and cattle lice. This was to be one of the first attempts at biological studies and control of mosquitoes on the Canadian prairies. H.A. Robertson, a seasonal employee of the Treesbank laboratory had, under the direction of Norman Criddle, made collections and surveys of the breeding places of mosquitoes in Manitoba between 1921 and 1923. His notes on the biology of important species served as a most helpful impetus to the studies that Hearle was about to attempt on all prairie species. On 29 March 1927, Hearle visited Winnipeg to deliver a series of public lectures on the life history and control of mosquitoes. These lectures had been arranged and planned by H.M. Speechly, who had originally conceived of the idea of mosquito control for greater Winnipeg, after reading of the success of the United States Army Medical Corps in combatting mosquitoes during the construction of the Panama Canal. He had also heard of the success of the campaign in Banff and had decided that Hearle was the man to kick off the campaign in Winnipeg. Speechly had already appointed a special committee of the Natural History Society of Manitoba, in February 1927, to examine the feasibility of an antimosquito campaign for the greater Winnipeg area. An educational campaign, of which Hearle was an integral part, was launched during March and April: the first anti-mosquito campaign conducted in the prairies. The campaign of 1927 was the forerunner of many successful campaigns in Winnipeg. It produced the philosophy of public participation in insect control and the evolution of the annual 'tag day' when the slogan 'Two Bits KillsA Million' rang

131 Eric Hearle versus mosquitoes

out from hundreds of volunteer collectors on city streets. In Winnipeg 280 women and girls did the tagging in 1929, netting almost $6000 for a continuance of the mosquito control work. During the 'dirty thirties,' when finances were at an all-time low, volunteer labour was plentiful and Winnipeg had many miles of valuable drainage ditches dug by the unemployed. 25 In ensuing years many successful anti-mosquito campaigns were launched in the greater Winnipeg area. The effectiveness of the control measures, initiated in part by Eric Hearle, was often in dispute but the measures were never misdirected. After a quarter of a century, marked by 'ridicule, education and conviction, the AntiMosquito Campaign's recommendation of 1929 was partly fulfilled.' On 25 March 1954, an act was passed in the Manitoba legislature incorporating the 'Greater Winnipeg Mosquito Abatement District.' Eric Hearle left the prairies in 1928 when he was appointed to establish a laboratory at Kamloops to study the whole range of insects that affect men and animals (see pp. 287---95). But the principles established by his thorough experimentation remain the basis of many of the mosquito abatement programs in Canada to this day.

9

WilliamDownesat Victoria

William Downes was placed in charge of the newly created Dominion Entomological Laboratory in Victoria in 1919, after the closing of the temporary field laboratory at Royal Oak. The British Columbia Department of Agriculture supplied the office, as has been the arrangement with the federal entomological authorities almost to the present day. The office was in the Parliament Buildings, 'a cubbyhole in one of the turrets, measuring about 6 ft. by 8 ft. and when the entomologist's table, bookcase and chair were installed there was just about room for the entomologist to turn around. However, this was the best they had to offer, and we occupied these palatial quarters for eight years, the only change being to add another cubby hole of equal size in another turret.' It was from such unpretentious quarters that Downes was expected to come forth with awe-inspiring entomological truths. In the previous decade the strawberry root weevil had come into prominence, especially in the Fraser valley lowlands. The ravages of this insect had been one of the principal reasons for the placement of Treherne at Agassiz in 1913. In 1919 the same insect was once again threatening the strawberry growers on the island: [The growers) petitioned the Dominion Government to send an expert from Ottawa to study the problem of the weevil. Nothing was done until September 1918 when Gordon Hewitt visited Vancouver Island and together with Treherne and myself [Downes), attended a growers meeting at Keating. Feeling appeared to run very high, the growers believing that the government had let them down, and among the more ignorant members of the community there was a feeling of antipathy to government 'experts'. Treherne, who for some years had studied the weevil on the Mainland, addressed the meeting, outlining the life history and giving the then known methods of control. He had not been speaking long when a man arose at the back of the hall and shouted - 'Yes, you tell us that, but we don't believe a word of it.' Hewitt jumped to his feet and said, 'We are not here to listen to remarks of that description

133 William Downes at Victoria and we will withdraw immediately from this investigation unless you accept what we tell you as the truth.' The meeting quieted down and concluded peaceably.'

Downes was placed into this stormy setting to initiate studies that were to lead to methods of control of the strawberry root weevil - methods that had to be satisfactory to the growers. The same antipathy toward 'government men' was displayed in several instances, primarily by those who were ill informed. Thus it was an uphill struggle for five years, a struggle into which he poured his energies unflinchingly. The greatest amount of attention was given to the perfection of physical barriers that would prevent the weevils from invading new fields, a 'Hadrian's Wall' to thwart the advance of the invading marauders. Treherne had done some experimenting with barriers coated with 'Tanglefoot,' but Downes found them relatively ineffective: However, it was decided to give the barrier method another trial and at Gordon Head, I [Downes) enclosed ten acres of strawberries with a well-made wooden barrier with a tanglefoot band. This was a success in regard to keeping the weevils out, but the tanglefoot band required frequent attention or it soon became ineffective, and in fact, the whole contraption was unwieldy and a nuisance. A more effective barrier was devised by using heavy lumber with a wide groove ploughed in the upper edge; the groove was filled with crude oil. This needed little attention and provided good protection, but like its predecessor it was clumsy and was soon discarded. 3

Other types of barriers were invented, the best being one of heavy lumber sheathed in tin. Thinner oils were used to trap the insects, oils that would not congeal at night and thus prove ineffective as a sticky entrapment of marching insect feet. Costs were always considered in any control scheme, and barriers were not cheap. In 1923, the cost of lumber, tanglefoot, tar, fuel oil, and so on to surround one acre amounted to $102.75. The cost of fuel oil alone was 7.4 cents per gallon, rose to 9.67 cents in 1924 but dropped to 8 cents in 1925.4 Barriers of this type were used on Vancouver Island for several years until a more practical method was devised, that of poisoned baits. Downes had noticed, while at Royal Oak, that the strawberry root weevils were attracted to decayed windfall apples. He failed to attract them with fresh chopped ones. A horticulturist and Washington State county agent, M.J. Forsell used dried apples as bait, and, when poisoned with magnesium arsenate, they killed weevils en masse. In fact, the bait appeared so effective that Forsell patented it, called it 'Go West,' and hoped that thereby he would have an exclusive, and highly remunerative, weevil control remedy.

134

Insects of British Columbia

There were two flaws in Forsell's strategy: the arsenate became hygroscopic in the presence of the apple, making the bait sticky and unusable; and the fruit growers did not, and even today they still do not, like to be placed in a position over the barrel - of having to rely on, and pay the exorbitant price of 20 cents per pound for, the weevil-control bait. If they used 100 pounds per acres, and had to bait two or three times a season, then the costs would be greater than the barriers. Downes substituted sodium fluosilicate for the magnesium arsenate, used dried raisins instead of evaporated apples, and provided the growers in British Columbia with a bait equally as effective as the 'Go West' mixture. Furthermore, it did not infringe on Forsell's patent. Because it was effective, the growers were delighted that a local entomologist had saved the day. However, even Downes's recipe had its flaw. Spoiled raisins were used as the attractant and proved superior to apple. In those days quantities of raisins which had been on the grocers' shelves too long and had become wormy or candied, could be obtained for as little as six cents a pound. (The raisins were gathered up by the raisin company's agents and put through cleaning machines to remove the worms and then were sold in barrels to bakers who used them in raisin bread.) The raisin bait was used exclusively on Vancouver Island but eventually failed through the uncertainty of the supply of raisins. 5

Throughout these years Downes had little assistance. In 1920 Glendenning was assigned to the Victoria laboratory but left in 1921 to head the work at Agassiz. It was not till 1923 that a summer assistant, Kenneth F. Auden, was appointed as an insect pest investigator and assigned to help Downes from 21 May to 22 September. Insect pests on the island, besides weevils, included the holly leaf miner, the holly bud moth, and the rose leaf roller. Auden was assigned to the minor project of studying the life history of and finding out how to control the rose leaf roller. Downes, having put him to work, remarked: It seemed to me that my assistant used to return every day with very slight information about the habits of the pest and I wondered why, until I discovered that next door there were two very pretty girls who took an unusual interest in the life history ofleafrollers and entertained Auden with tea on the lawn every afternoon. When the experiment was transferred to a less attractive location, progress was more satisfactory. However, Auden had the making of an excellent entomologist, being a keen observer and a good collector ... He left to go to Northwestern University in 1926 and his death shortly after was very regrettable. 6

New pests were constantly making their presence felt. In 1923 the Satin moth appeared for the first time in Victoria.7 The next year the rhododendron lace bug, Stephanitis rhododendri, was found in the Layritz nursery and was distributed to

135 William Downes at Victoria

island growers from there. 8 In 1925 the rose scale caused sufficient damage that chemical sprays, other than whale-oil soap, were investigated as probable cures. In fact the whole concept of chemical control was gaining momentum. Federal entomologists such as Downes were being requested to test a long series of chemicals that showed promise as insecticides. Most of these were oil-based, and many were failures. Some were patent sprays, like 'Clensel,' of unknown composition, but gave good control of the rose scale. Other compounds were tested, mixtures of derris, pyrethrum, and nicotine, with names such as Volek, Petrotine, and Neoton. The petroleum products like Mort egg, Dendron, and Avon oil, were of value in killing some plant lice, but none was effective against a large spectrum of insects. Of course, as one might expect, there were always those who wanted to take advantage of a possible quick sale of a highly touted compound. One compound, 'Neco,' was brought into Vancouver by two Japanese entrepreneurs. Its composition was unknown but according to the label it would cure almost anything that had to do with insects, including entomologists! No aphids were killed by it and Downes remarked, 'The smell alone of this concoction would prevent anyone from using it.' 9 It soon fell into disuse and was forgotten. In the long run the best insecticides were those that remained on the market for years; some have persisted to the present day. Compounds containing arsenicals or fluosilicates worked well for leaf-eating insects. The pyrethrins and derris compounds remained effective on sucking insect pests. While Downes was busy developing a new and effective bait for use against the strawberry root weevil, another insect pest, the European earwig, Forficula auricularia, was increasing in numbers. The first recorded occurrence in Canada was in 1916, when R.C. Treherne found some living specimens in the hold of a ship, the ss Talthybius, on its arrival in Vancouver from Europe and Asia. 10 In August 1919 infestations were found in English Bay and also in Vancouver. However, it wasn't until 15 September 1923, that Walter B. Anderson, Inspector oflndian Orchards in British Columbia, observed the insect in Victoria. 11 In 1926 there was a population explosion of earwigs in Vancouver and on Vancouver Island. Downes reported that garden produce was severely infested: The work of the earwig was particularly noticeable on potatoes and celery, nothing was left but the main stalk and the leaf ribs; carrots did not seem to be touched. Young peach trees suffered severely and many garden plants, particularly dahlias, the young shoots of which were eaten off as soon as they appeared. It is hoped that the city and municipal authorities will continue the control methods. There is, unfortunately, a good deal of ignorance and prejudice to contend with, because the presence of the earwigs is not evident to the majority of people, and is confined to certain small

136 Insects of British Columbia areas, and also because in England the earwig is nowhere looked upon as a serious pest. Consequently it is hard to convince many people, especially the uneducated, that the undue increase of these insects is a serious matter. 12

That the earwigs were a 'serious matter' was shown by a survey conducted in 1926. J.B. Mathieson, a temporary insect pest investigator appointed for the summer of 1926, had been assigned by Downes to do the work. The completed survey showed that not only was the city of Victoria infested, but the surrounding municipalities of Saanich and Oak Bay were also harbouring the insects. The following year, 1927, an all-out effort was launched to control the earwigs on the island. A good bait had been devised, consisting of wheat bran, molasses, and sodium fluoride. Later sawdust was used instead of bran, thereby reducing the cost considerably. The city or the municipalities paid for the control campaign but the scouting work - the locating of infestations - was left to the federal entomologists. John Stanley and J. Hulbert were appointed as temporary insect pest investigators in 1927, and the former was assigned to earwig scouting work. The distribution of poisoned baits in Victoria and Saanich commenced in early June and continued through July and August in Oak Bay. This kept the scouts busy finding new infestations of which there appeared to be an unlimited supply. Downes recalled: Stanley and I were surveying a district adjacent to Ross Bay cemetery one evening, the method being to examine garden fences with a flashlight, and if a single earwig was found that block was considered infested. Rounding a corner I was suddenly seized by a policeman who wanted to know what I was doing. Explanations followed and the policeman said he had been called to the district by a woman who said she had seen two ghosts, all in white, coming out of the cemetery and one of them had a bright shining eye in the middle of his forehead! That, however, was not the last of it, for on the front page of the COLONIST next morning this appeared in large headlines - 'Ghosts coming out of the cemetery resolve themselves into the persons of harmless entomologists.,i 3

John Stanley had been a summer assistant to Reginald Glendenning at Agassiz in 1925 and 1926. After his 'ghostly' stint with Downes in 1927, he left for postgraduate studies at the University of Minnesota. After an interval of work with Chapman in Hawaii, he settled at McGill University as professor of entomology. He is now retired and living in Vancouver. In spite of the emphasis on earwigs and weevils, there were lesser pests afoot to bother the populace. At Powell River, a new beetle pest of lawns and turf, Aphodius sp., appeared. The larvae fed below the soil surface, with the result that large pieces

137 William Downes at Victoria of turf could be removed with ease as if cut with a turf-cutting machine. The narcissus fly and the cherry fruit flies, as well as sweet pea aphids, needed investigation. The latter had inflicted thousands of dollars worth of damage in 1926, and growers were demanding action. 14 Together with his associates, Downes was always able to come up with a suitable and effective remedy, thereby cutting economic losses and maintaining the credibility of the federal Entomological Branch and its officers. By 1928 the Dominion Entomological Laboratory in Victoria had been moved from its previous cubby hole in the turret of the Parliament Building to a large room in the annex behind the Provincial Museum. Downes's assistant in 1928 was Geoffrey Beall, appointed for the summer only, after which time he continued his studies at the University of British Columbia. In May 1929, the lieutenant-governor made a complaint to the provincial Department of Agriculture, that the holly trees in front of Government House were seriously infested with a leaf-destroying insect. His demand for remedial measures was passed on to Downes by the provincial Horticultural Branch, which requested some help from the federal entomologist. The insect was the holly leaf miner, Phytomyza ilicis. The flies had emerged by the time the request was received but comprehensive life history studies were undertaken in subsequent years. In the mean time, with a bit of judicious collecting of insect samples, the removal of some of the disfigured foliage, and the pretentious spraying of all infested trees with water, Downes assuaged the worries of the lieutenant-governor and built a solid reputation of reliable entomological efficiency and effectiveness. W.H.A. Preece, another temporary insect pest investigator, started work on 6 May 1929. He worked at the Victoria laboratory for the next three summers. Scouting for earwig infestations was a perennial chore, but in 1929 the pea weevil turned up at Gordon Head. This called for immediate action by Downes and Preece. The original outbreak was detected in a limited area only, where it was destroying both peas and beans. Because of its limited distribution the provincial Horticultural Branch officials endeavoured to take steps to eradicate it. This was found to be impossible and chemical control was tried. It worked; insect numbers were depressed and the problem faded. The cherry fruitworm, Grapholitha packardii, was becoming very destructive to sour cherries at this time. Extensive field work was required to enable Downes and Preece to develop good control methods. For the control of this insect they finally developed a good spray - summer oil and nicotine - that destroyed the eggs. Questions had been asked of Downes as to why arsenate of lead was not used to control the insect pests on cherries. Downes demonstrated that arsenical residues would remain on the cherries for seven weeks after spraying, even when ripe. Therefore, it was deemed most unwise to use arsenicals and have them present on edible fruit at

138 Insects of British Columbia

the time of picking. As well as presenting a health hazard, the arsenicals were inferior to the nicotine-oil sprays, especially when used to control the cherry fruitworm, Grapholitha packardii. ' 5 A considerable amount of time was spent trying to curtail a berry blight on raspberries and loganberries: Haplosphaeria deformans was thought to be carried by thrips but Downes and Preece never obtained any usable or conclusive results to confirm this hypothesis. 16 By 1931 the European earwig was reported present in nearly all of the settled portions of Vancouver Island, as well as on some of the Gulf Islands. The investigations of the presence of these insects had taken a lot of time and was going to take more. Preece and his predecessor assistants had found the infestations and had done all the scouting while the civic authorities conducted the control campaign. The Victoria city council had voted $200 for the 1932 campaign but Downes had asked them to do their own scouting. He had indicated that it was a rather simple procedure to find them, mark the locations, and then bait them. This apparently was done. Downes and his assistants were able to pursue other entomological wrongdoers. However, when federal support was withdrawn the control program suffered severely. There was a lack of civic interest and the campaign flagged sadly. In fact in 1934 'no systematic control measures were carried out by the municipal authorities,' and 'the earwigs ... increased to such an extent that practically the whole city and surrounding municipalities [were) completely infested." 7 Because of the continued severe outbreak of earwigs on the island, and the lack of concerted control efforts by municipal authorities, interest in biological control became accentuated. Downes investigated the possibility of using a beetle predator, Pterostichus vulgaris, as a means of keeping the earwig population down. Although the beetle was an effective predator of earwigs on the campus of the University of Washington, it was not so in Victoria. Downes was obliged to look elsewhere for relief. Harry Andison was hired as an assistant to Downes in 1934. He was assigned to a variety of minor insect control projects, but, together with Downes, was unalterably involved in finding a good parasite for the control of earwigs. In Portland, Oregon, a fly, Digonochaeta setipennis, had successfully parasitized the earwigs. The Entomological Branch in Ottawa, via Arthur Gibson, had in August 1933, ordered some stock supplies to be sent to the Victoria laboratory from the United States Department of Agriculture Laboratory at Portland. These were to be used for breeding purposes only, and later, when large numbers had been reared, they would then be released to parasitize the native earwig populations in Victoria. The Portland laboratory must have been rather disorganized at that moment, for its stocks of parasitic flies had become seriously depleted. Consequently, the flies

l

39 William Downes at Victoria

ordered in August 1933 were not received at Victoria until 13 June 1934. Instead of sending the flies - normally transported as pupae within their puparia - Portland sent parasitized earwigs. What with cannibalism, shipping trauma, and natural mortality, only 500 of the 2,000 that were shipped, survived. 18 Downes and Andison reared these as best they could at Sydney, and after the flies pupated, the puparia were spread under lawn clippings and rubbish around the house. All they had time to do in 1934 was merely attempt to rear the flies to maturity on the earwigs. The experiment was successful and they found that two generations of flies could be reared in an insectary in one year. For the next five years, 1934 to 1939, the rearing of earwig parasites became the chief project at the Victoria laboratory. J. Aldous was hired as an assistant in 1935, and C.H. Smith of the Belleville laboratory was called in to get the rearing started on a sound basis. The latter stayed for only three months and then returned to Belleville. So successful were the Victoria entomologists in getting the earwigs parasitized that 'the highest number parasitized in one day was 1,725 on July 24, 1935.' A total of 30,020 earwigs were parasitized by 15 August 1935. Releases of 19,5?0 parasitized earwigs, in batches of 1000 to 2000, were made at 16 release sites in Esquimalt, Victoria, and Oak Bay. The number of parasitized earwigs, puparia, and adult flies of Digonochaeta setipennis released subsequently were: 68,219 in 1936, 74,315 in 1937, 149,491 in 1938, for a total of258,789 released between 1934 and 1938 from a total of 329,923 parasites reared during the same period. 19 The effect of the infusion of large numbers of parasites into a natural host population was very rewarding. Populations of earwigs declined steadily as the parasitic fly became established, enabling Downes to decrease the rearings and the releases of additional parasites in 1939. However, a tremendous outbreak of earwigs at Ayton, Ontario, demanded that more parasites be reared for shipment to, and release in, Ontario. The Entomological Laboratory at Belleville lacked adequate facilities, and one of its entomologists, J.H. McLeod, was sent to Victoria to learn the techniques of parasitizing the earwigs. He was then in a good position to provide the infested areas in Ontario with the needed parasites. While McLeod was in Victoria a large shipment of parasites was sent to Belleville for immediate release at Ayton. Of the 49,893 puparia that Downes had kept for overwintering at Victoria, 40,000 were shipped to Belleville. This started the parasite work for earwig control in Belleville, and marked the demise of parasite rearings at Victoria.2° The entomologists at Victoria could not rest on their laurels. The holly leaf miner, the cherry fruitworm, and berry blight remained persistent pests and required attention. New pests were making their appearance at an alarming rate. The bertha armyworm, Mamestra configurata, made its debut in the Queen Charlotte Islands in

140 Insects of British Columbia 1931, a record of first occurrence on the west coast.21 This insect had been reported earlier from Lillooet in the British Columbia interior, and as early as 1922 from Saskatchewan, but it had not appeared on the west coast until 1931.

The diamond backed moth was found for the first time, damaging Brussels sprouts, in the Victoria area, in 1932.22 In fact, one farmer lost an entire crop catching both him and the entomologists off guard and perplexed at its sudden onslaught. Ticks were reported from Cowichan Bay where they attacked people en masse. Eric Hearle identified them as lxodes ricinus, a European species never before seen on the island. Because they caused open sores on the persons bitten, control measures were demanded by the public. When cruciferous garden crops, including onions and cabbage, started to suffer severe damage because of maggots, a further cry went out for help. Despite these many pleas and demanding insect problems, Downes and his assistants refused to panic. They merely did their best to find effective remedial measures. In 1935 the codling moth could no longer be ignored by the growers on the Saanich Peninsula. No study of this insect, under coastal conditions, had been conducted in British Columbia up to this time. The insect had shown a steady increase for a number of years and in 1934 the economic losses that it caused could no longer go unattended. Downes and Andison decided to initiate biological studies of the apple pest, which would indicate the potential for damage under coastal conditions. They immediately thought of biological control and the use of parasites - probably because of the success with the European earwig. One parasite, a little wasp, Ascogaster carpocapsae,was known to parasitize the codling moth. In fact, it had been released on the mainland in 1933.23 Four shipments of the parasites were sent from Belleville to Victoria for release in apple orchards. Because shipment was by railway express, the insects were in transit for long periods of time. They were cooled on ice but even then considerable mortality occurred; 68 per cent of those shipped on 4 July were dead on arrival. This high rate of mortality was disheartening. They did not know whether the wasp would sur~ive in the coastal districts. It did become established and is today widely distributed in that part of western Canada, but has never become sufficiently abundant to provide commercial control of the codling moth because it is often attacked and killed by secondary parasites. Although the federal Entomological Laboratory was established at Victoria primarily to serve the fruit growers of the island, the entomological problems facing its officers went far beyond those of this limited industry. The versatility and ingenuity of the entomologists in tackling any and all insect problems must remain a lasting tribute to their energies.

141

William Downes at Victoria

As an example one can cite the case of the hairy spider beetle, Ptinus villiger. This pest of stored products suddenly appeared in Victoria homes. Because it was mistaken, in most instances, for the bedbug, its presence caused considerable consternation and alarm. The Hudson's Bay Company was accused of bringing the insects into homes. Such an accusation, if true, could be very embarrassing, if not ruinous, to the company. Downes and Andison were called upon to investigate. They quickly discovered that, indeed, the insects were coming into homes with new furniture delivered by the Hudson's Bay Company. Many reputations were at stake - the utmost diplomacy was called for. The entomologists soon discovered that the company's warehouse on Wharf Street had been used previously by a milling company for the storage of flour and feed. It was a huge old building, about 100 feet long and 40 feet wide, with three floors and a basement. Considerable flour residue was packed in the cracks of the floors, providing food for insects of all kinds. Fumigation of the premises would have quickly eliminated the insects but the numerous ill-fitting doors and windows, and cracks of all description, would permit too much gas to escape, thereby obviating control. Downes and Andison pondered the situation, then quickly found a cure. They simply added sodium fluosilicate to whitewash, which when painted on the floors poisoned the food supply, killed the insects, and solved the problem.24 Once again the entomologists had proved their worth and maintained their credibility, while saving the reputation of a commercial firm. The presence of the hairy spider beetle in the Hudson's Bay Company warehouse was probably fortunate because it gave Downes and Andison an opportunity to try a variety of 'new' chemicals for insect control. Their ingenuity ran rampant, for they experimented not only with the fluosilicates but also with such materials as 'whale guano.' This was placed on the floors as a poisoned food for the beetles, as was Paris green laced with malodorous fish meal that was to act as an attractant. Ingenious traps were devised to collect them en masse, again using various fish derivatives as the attracting substance. However, it was never proved that insects of stored products were enticed to their doom by the 'fishy' products. Downes found time in 1936 to initiate a study designed to control mosquitoes on Vancouver Island. Of particular concern was the salt marsh mosquito, Aedes dorsalis, from the Saanichton Swamp, an area of about 600 acres. This district had for many years been the source of much annoyance, for the mosquitoes that bred there moved westward during the summer months and invaded the Keating district. In 1936 the trouble was so great that fruit picking was brought to a halt on several occasions.

142 Insects of British Columbia Downes recommended the draining of the swamp: it was done at a cost of $5853.89 with the Dominion government contributing $1500, property owners $800, and municipalities the balance; an additional $1700 was provided for dyke improvement by the municipality. The project was all very successful, aided in part by the introductin of stickleback fish that devoured the mosquito larvae. Harry Andison had been bitten by the 'survey' bug; in fact entomologists everywhere were on 'surveys' during the 1930s. Andison had embarked upon a 'Greenhouse Insect Survey' in December 1935. He remarked: At the present time the total area under glass is 2,413,533 sq. ft. devoted to the production of cut flowers, potted plants and vegetable plants. The actual investment in greenhouses alone (exclusive of the value of the land) is estimated at $2,400,000 and the crops grown in them are valued at more than $1,000,000 a year. The industry, therefore, is an important one involving a large initial outlay of capital, together with a continual expense for fuel, water, labour, fertilizers and repairs. 25

When the results of the survey were compiled, the variety of insects (and other arthropods) found in greenhouses was truly amazing. They included 'aphids, the black vine weevil, the chrysanthemum midge, the chrysanthemum leaf miner, the cyclamen mite, mealy bugs, six-spotted spider mites, scale insects, millipedes, sowbugs, the greenhouse whitefly, the greenhouse thrips." 6 There were also the cabbage looper, the orange tortrix, and the long-winged thrip, Scirtothrips longipennis. The last named had been intensely investigated by Andison in 1936 and 1937. He concocted a mixture of coal oil, water, and linseed oil soap, which, when used as a spray, gave excellent control not only of the thrips on begonia and cyclamen but also of aphids, leaf miners, midges, etc. In fact, it gave control of most of the insects found in the greenhouses during the initial insect survey. At the request of the Laboratory of Plant Pathology, Downes, Andison, and Aldous were coerced into conducting a survey of cherry insects in 1937. A virus disease, cherry mottle-leaf, was widespread on the island. The federal plant pathologists were anxious to blame the spread of the virus on some cherry insect. The survey implicated cherry aphids. Various other pests were discovered during the surveys. One was the pea leaf weevil, Sitona lineata, which was very destructive to peas and beans. Downes and Andison tried the bait that was used to entice the strawberry root weevil to its doom. They met with some success. A second pest, rediscovered in 1938, was the cherry fruit fly, Rhagoletis cingulata. Commonly known as the cherry maggot, it had appeared in outbreak numbers near Victoria in 1906, and it had since been determined that the outbreak then was

143 William Downes at Victoria due to a related species.27 Extensive damage to cherries occurred before Andison and Downes devised chemical sprays for its control. As a result of both extensive insect surveys and growers' complaints, another insect, the ten-lined June beetle, Polyphylla decemlineata, reappeared on the noxious pest list in 1937. Downes had kept this species under special observation since 1918. It had confined its activities to the roots of herbaceous plants, grasses, and tree roots. It had occasionally and sporadically injured strawberry plantings, as it now was doing in 1937. The larvae were so abundant in one field that the farmer collected 12 gallons of the grubs from one acre of land. He estimated that there were about 9 to 1I grubs near each strawberry plant. Such infestations killed 3000 plants on another farm. Downes, Andison, and Aldous spread calcium arsenate around the base of the plants or used calcium cyanide and naphthalene as soil insecticides. Downes suggested digging the grubs out and destroying them, as the farmer referred to earlier had done. Deep ploughing of fields was also recommended, and many resorted to the turning in of hogs and chickens at the same time or having someone follow the plough to pick up the exposed grubs. Despite some measure of success in controlling the June beetles, the urgency of immediate reliable long-range control was still apparent. Too little time was available to embark on intensive life history studies. In the early 1940s the grubs were appearing all over the fields and had become firmly established in all small-fruit growing areas of the island. Their annual depredations were considerable. Growers considered them their No. 1 pest. Downes remarked: In 1943 it was decided to lease a plot of two acres, plant it with strawberries and use it as an experimental ground for June beetles. With the consent of the Department of Agriculture this was done and an agreement entered into with the Saanich Fruitgrowers Association whereby they agreed to supply a certain amount of labour for ploughing and cultivation ... Unfortunately this was a most unfavourable time for starting an enterprise of this sort. These were war years and help of any description was almost impossible to obtain. Andison had been temporarily transferred to Vernon and, with a major project on my hands, I had to manage as best I could. Much of the planting, weeding and cultivation was done by myself with occasional assistance from very unreliable local help and even the stenographer was pressed into service now and then for weeding and hoeing. But, notwithstanding these difficulties, the plot was kept going somehow and tests were made with certain soil insecticides. An extensive trial was made of a method of using lead arsenate at planting time which was stated to have been very effective against white grubs in the east, but tough Western June Beetle proved immune to arsenic and was equally scornful of DDT. Other insecticides also gave negative results.28

144 Insects of British Columbia It wasn't until 1949 that Andison found a reliable chemical control method. By this time chlordane and benzene hexachloride as soil fumigants and insecticides gave the growers the control they needed. The grubs of the June beetle had met their match in modern chemistry! Other insects appeared as pests of agricultural crops. In 1937, the striped pea weevil caused injury to seedling peas in the Victoria area. This was a first record of this species in North America. At Keating, British Columbia, they also attacked red clover. With this pest, as with so many others, good control was finally achieved with DDT. In 1938, carrots received by Downes from the mainland, contained larvae of the carrot rust fly, Psi/a rosae, and the following year he received the first complaint from a grower in Victoria, which indicated that the fly had reached and was causing damage to carrots on the island. 29 This pest of vegetables has been the subject of intensive and continued investigation, especially because its activities have been linked with the disease 'aster yellows.' W.G. Wellington was added to the staff of the Victoria laboratory on 31 May 1939 as an agricultural assistant, grade I, to assist Downes in the rearing of earwig parasites. His early association with population increase of insects has stood him in good stead during his work on populations and environmental factors. In June 1940, a Victoria resident gave Downes some immature apples that were infested with unidentified larvae. These proved to be the early stage larvae of the European apple sawfly, Hoplocampa testudinea, well known in England but unknown in Canada to that time. The infestation in Victoria is believed to have been the first record of occurrence in North America. 30 After three years of work the laboratory achieved fairly good control with a spray containing an emulsion of summer oil and nicotine sulphate. In his continuing battle with the June beetle, Downes hit upon a new method of insect control. In 1938, he conceived the idea that the beetles might be attracted to light and then destroyed. He devised an electrocution device that surrounded a light, so that when the flying beetles 'homed in' on the light they would fly into the electric grid and be killed. Although many beetles were destroyed the method was fraught with technical problems such as uncertainty of the flights of the adults, inadequate number of traps, and so on. The whole project was abandoned. Today similar electrical devices are in widespread use at outdoor 'drive-in' commercial concerns, amusement parks, homes, and golf clubs, where they help to alleviate the nuisance of mosquitoes, flies, and other night-flying insects. By 1939 the many species of insect that had led the entomologists of Vancouver Island such a merry chase appeared to be diminishing in number. Noxious insects

145 William Downes at Victoria seemed less aggressive and eased some of their depredations. Those that persisted were being matched and halted by the ingenuity of Downes and his co-workers. A balance had been struck between the aggressor insect and the control forces of the entomologist. Vigilance was maintained on both sides, as time ushered in a new era of chlorinated hydrocarbon insecticides. The protagonistic encounter of man and insect on the island, however, would continue. The trees in Stanley Park in Vancouver, and at Government House and the Parliament Buildings in Victoria, were frequently the objects of research and control work by British Columbia entomologists; but these efforts were basically horticultural in nature - though of high visibility. The situation in forest entomology prior to 1939 is described by William Downes: Much of the work consists of surveying timber areas, reporting and scouting insect outbreaks, advising operators as to control measures and the study of life histories of forest insects and potential pests. Millions of seedlings are also raised for reforestation. A staff of about 20 is maintained with many more engaged on seasonal work. A sixty foot vessel is used for transporting the men and their equipment to and from areas on the coast where their work is situated.3'

A more detailed account of this early period is contained in the study mentioned in the preface of this book. Forest entomology came of age in British Columbia with the establishment in 1940 of a forest insect laboratory at Victoria, under the auspices of the Federal Division of Entomology.

IO

Glendenningat Agassiz

The federal laboratory at Agassiz was established in 19II, directed by R.C. Treherne until 1915, and occupied by Eric Hearle and A.B. Baird till late in 1920. In April 1921, Reginald Glendenning took over the vacant premises and began to re-vitalize entomological endeavours in the Lower Fraser valley. Glendenning was not a trained entomologist, merely an observant and highly competent naturalist with a love of insects. His years at Agassiz, from 1921 to 1953, were years of matching wits with destructive insect and vertebrate pests: I delved into every form of insect trouble - from shade tree pests on Vancouver streets to parasite collections and liberation around Lillooet; from grain pests in elevators, and earwigs and slugs in gardens to the wide open spaces where moles and clover seed midges roamed unchecked. I climbed to the tops of tall Douglas fir trees to find what was spoiling the seed-cone harvest, and flew over and waded through mosquito swamps to locate breeding pools. I tried out this and that for flea beetles, hop aphis, root maggots and fruit flies. Undoubtedly I knew a little about a lot. 1

Scarcely a year went by that did not include an epidemic of one or more species of insects. During the years 1921 to 1958, the valley experienced outbreaks of 86 different species of pests, all of them insects except for moles and three other Arthropods. Of these, 49 produced epidemics in certain years. 2 The remarkable occurrence of 49 insect epidemics in 37 years meant working from crisis to crisis with little time left for the fundamental research that is so highly touted today. When Glendenning set about his task as officer-in-charge and sole staff member of the Agassiz Entomological Laboratory, he was literally surrounded by insects. All of them were of some economic importance, either as friend or foe. Glendenning had been instructed to make an immediate study of the Satin moth, Stilpnotia salicis,

147 Glendenning at Agassiz

which had first been discovered on lombardy poplars in July 1920, in New Westminster, by J.D. Tothill and A.B. Baird. 3 It was not doing much harm at that time but a year later it had adapted itself to the ornamental and introduced poplars in cities, causing widespread defoliation. It was Glendenning's opinion that the Satin moth had been introduced into British Columbia from Europe in 1913. It had probably come in on nursery stock as larvae or pupae, despite the vigilance maintained by the inspectors of the British Columbia Horticultural Branch. In this stage they could also have been attached to the packing cases, a more probable method of entry because cocoons spun by insects in places that afford suitable protection readily escape detection. LE. Marmont described the initial infestation of the Satin moth: An outbreak in Maillarville began in 1921 on Lombardy poplar. Near these were three large Russian poplar trees which were not affected in 1921. In 1922, by the end of June, the Russian poplars were completely stripped of leaves, and the caterpillars were massed along the bare limbs, while the Lombardy poplars nearby were almost untouched. The owner cut off all the limbs and the tops of the Russian Poplars, the caterpillars then swarmed on to his house in masses, and were played upon by fire hose under pressure, afterwards dying and drying up in thousands. Plenty of them, however, pupated, and enough moths emerged to do damage next season. 4

By 1924 the infested area on the mainland included approximately fifty square miles of Vancouver and environs. Glendenning devised an effective chemical spray containing arsenicals or a kerosene emulsion. This was not a permanent cure but kept the insects in check and minimized the ugly denuding of boulevard trees in the cities and towns. The moth, or rather its larvae, continually changed and extended the range of host plants. Thus, the chronologies of the life history and habits, as determined by Glendenning at Agassiz, were not strictly valid for other areas, thereby creating difficulties in control. By 1926 the Satin moth had acquired a 'taste' for the native cottonwood and began spreading eastward on the cottonwoods of the river valleys. It also spread northward from Vancouver, wherever the native host plants occurred. What was so alarming was the fact that the native species of cottonwood, Populus trichoparpa,had considerable commercial value as plywood and pulp, and was unable to withstand defoliation as well as the introduced hosts such as Lombardy, black, Carolina, and silver poplars. Where it was heavily defoliated for two or three years this species was killed. 5 The change of host and the alarming rate of spread called for some drastic action because control by spraying was no longer possible. In April 1928, a quarantine was

148 Insects of British Columbia

placed on the southwestern section of the province. All movement of willow and poplar nursery stock eastward from the lower mainland and the coastal regions was prohibited. Shipments to the prairies could not be made, and these trees were not permitted in the Okanagan valley. The action was designed to halt the dispersal and spread of the moth and confine its range to the already infested areas. It was a desperate stop-gap measure, one that officials hoped would confine the insect long enough to allow long-range control procedures and mechanisms to be developed and instituted. In 1927, at a meeting of all federal entomologists in Ottawa, Downes had recommended that a parasite laboratory be established in western Canada. This was necessary 'in order to cope with the earwig situation and also the leucanium scale in Vancouver ... There are also the Satin moth, spruce budworm, codling moth, strawberry root weevil, fruit tree leaf rollers, pine shoot moth, etc., which might possibly be handled by natural control.' 6 A.B. Baird, who had immediate direction of all parasite work in the Dominion, agreed with Downes and suggested that parasites be introduced into British Columbia for the control of the Satin moth as soon 'as possible in order to get past the experimental stage before the pest reaches the interior.' 7 Two years later a small shipment of tachinid flies, Compsilura concinnata, was released. 8 The fly did not become established and all hopes lay with chemical control and enforcement of the quarantine. The latter did not check the spread, for in June 1930 an infestation of the Satin moth was found at Annapolis Royal in Nova Scotia.9 Glendenning postulated that the insect had been transported to the east by rail, after the larvae had spun hibernacula on railway rolling stock stationed at the west coast. ' 0 Further introductions of parasites were made in 1933 and in 1934. Of the three species released, one was successful. This was a tiny parasitic wasp, Apantclcs solitarius, which was so phenomenally successful 'that in two years it had spread over the entire range of its host and completely controlled it. Defoliation of cottonwood, willow, or poplar, is now seldom seen and wherever it [the European Satin moth] does occur, even in small numbers, the white cocoons of Apanteles also occur, clustered on the trunks and limbs of the infested trees."' To Glendenning, the complete control of the Satin moth meant satisfaction for fifteen years of study of its biology and control. To the reader it depicts the patience, persistence, and exactitude that must be exercised by entomologists in their unending struggle against insects, foes that have become very efficient usurpers of man's productivity. In lighter vein, Glendenning had some fond memories of the Satin moth episode, and in particular one from July 1933. He was climbing Mount McLean, near Lillooet, in the hot, dry belt of British Columbia's interior, with J. McDunnough,

149 Glendenning at Agassiz

Chief of the Division of Systematic Entomology, Ottawa, and they became quite weary. Foot-slogging climbs at altitudes of over 5000 feet are wearying: However, Dr. Jim had a good supply of mature ethyl alcohol for the preservation of his lcollected) material, and this we shared, diluted with pure mountain water, so we were able to continue to the high pastures at about 8 500 ft. - as near heaven as I will ever attain ... It was on this trip that we found a stray adult female satin moth, Stilpnotia salicis L., away up on the alpine slopes above timberline between the seven and eight thousand foot levels, evidently blown up there by the prevailing southwest winds from an outbreak at Pemberton, many miles away in the valley - a rather good example of one method of insect dispersal. 12

Not only were major insect epidemics in progress, but a host of minor insects also assailed the producer and needed control. Advice was sought from the nearest expert. In the Lower Fraser valley the lists of pests included the cane girdler, the cane borer, strawberry root weevil, currant fruit fly, elm-currant aphid, raspberry beetle, bud mite, rose scale, and the fir seed chalcid. The last insect came into prominence when seed inspectors at the provincial cleaning plant in New Westminster noticed that many of the seeds of native coniferous trees showed considerable injury and infestation. When Glendenning was asked why, and by what, and what to do, he stepped in to find out. For two summers, 1921 and 1922, he roamed the west coast forests, climbed to the tops of high towering Douglas fir trees and gathered the cones with their complement of insects. It was 'breathtaking' work, both panoramically and physiologically, but no remedial measures seemed possible. It was impractical to treat whole forests, and since the outbreaks of the seed cone midges were local, he recommended that seed be collected from uninfested areas, a most practical answer to a problem. 13 Then there were the little specific problems, such as a request from the Parks Board for a recommendation of control measures to be used to prevent damage to water lily leaves in Stanley Park by the larvae of the chironomid midge. Another time, in 1934, someone requested advice on how to cope with a leaf miner that was causing serious harm to lilac bushes in the Fraser valley all the way from Vancouver to Agassiz. Nurserymen at Sumas requested, in 1929, recommendations on how to prevent injury to maiden plum and pear trees by the tarnished plant bug. In all instances he was able to offer satisfactory control recommendations. In 1924, there was a brief upsurge of populations of the mange! leaf miner. It needed some attention but disappeared on its own in a few years. The Dominion Entomologist also quite often had some pet projects in mind which he would unload on his subordinates in the field laboratories. To Glendenning he presented the problem of determining whether or not the burdock seed gelechiid was effective in

150

Insects of British Columbia

reducing the seed production of the noxious weed. Glendenning could not find an answer and the problem is still under consideration today. With a multiplicity of small problems to solve there was not much time for in-depth biological research. The entomologist was content when he 'generally managed to assist the afflicted taxpayer with some recommendation for control, and the accent was definitely on practical results, though each worker usually had a hobby of his own in some division of systematic work." 4 Glendenning's work hobby was collecting aphids. In ten years he had collected and acquired 160 species from British Columbia. In fact, he was regarded by the entomological fraternity of North America as an 'expert' in the identification of these insects. His collecting started in 1921, and prior to his retirement he sent most of his extensive collection to M.E. MacGillivray at Fredericton, New Brunswick. This was the most comprehensive taxonomic work that had been done on aphids in Canada. One species of aphid was collected from Philadelphus gordonianus, a variety of mock-orange, on 22 June 1951. When identified it was found to be a new genus and was named Glendenningia philadelphi by M. Ellen MacGillivray in honour of its collector. This species of aphid has never again been collected in Canada. For many years gardeners, farmers, and truck crop growers suffered severe losses as a result of the ravages of the cabbage flea beetle. Glendenning undertook an exhaustive study of the life history of this insect, and attempted to define some control measures during the years 1923 to 1926. Natural and artificial control treatments were tested without success, until, in 1925, nicotine dust was found to give excellent control. 15 This was field-tested in 1926, proved to be effective, and was adopted by the growers until supplanted by DDT after the Second World War. With the increase in cropped acreage after the First World War, and a demand for diversification in agricultural production, some growers were considering the growing of sugar beets in the Lower Fraser valley. By 1923 mangels were being grown for stock feed in preference to turnips because of the prevalence of the cabbage root maggot on the latter. The beet root aphid began to attack the mangels and reduced the yield by about 25 per cent. Had sugar beets been grown the loss would have been much higher due to the depreciation of sugar content when fed on by the aphid. In two years Glendenning had unravelled the intricacies of the life history of the aphid, including its complicated host-changing, gall-forming, series of generations. A series of crop rotations and clean cultivation was recommended and the insect pest practically disappeared, much to the relief of the entomologist and the growers. In 1924, serious damage was being wrought, by a scale insect, to a great variety of trees, both ornamental and shade types, in Vancouver, and especially in Stanley Park. The Parks Board requested aid from the federal Entomological Service. The

151 Glendenning at Agassiz Dominion Entomologist referred the request to Glendenning and instructed him to investigate and co-operate with the Parks Board in a control program. The scale was identified as the lecanium scale, Lecanium coryli, one that had been accidentally introduced into British Columbia from Europe in 1903. Owing to the great number of both native and introduced host plants affected by this insect, its spread when once established was rapid and extensive. Direct and immediate control operations were required to prevent the destruction of the many trees and shrubs. Several miles ofroadside vine and broad-leaved maples in Stanley Park were badly injured by this time. Glendenning instituted spray tests and those using oil emulsions gave good results. Consequently, the City of Vancouver bought a high-powered, shade tree spray outfit in 1925 for $3000. Spraying was begun to save the ornamental trees from destruction and to obviate the objectionable sticky exudation from the scales which fell on the sidewalks. Many miles of roadside trees in Stanley Park were sprayed; excellent results were achieved. From 1925 to 1930 about $rooo was spent annually by the City of Vancouver for this work alone. However, the sprayed trees rapidly became infested again from the adjacent native vegetation, which it was impossible to treat. Because native parasites that would attack the lecanium scale were not found to be present in British Columbia, Arthur Gibson, the Dominion Entomologist, explored the possibilities of obtaining some from Europe. In 1928 and 1929 adults of the tiny parasitic wasp - an encyrtid wasp - Blastothrix sericea, were imported from England and released in north and west Vancouver. In 1930 the parasites had become firmly established. The lecanium scale was losing some of its virulence because up to 85 per cent of them were parasitized in some locations. Branches of scale-infested trees bearing parasitized scales were collected in 1931 and distributed over the whole of the scale-infested area of Vancouver. 16 The rapid spread and establishment of the parasite in the entire area reduced lecanium scale that had once been so prevalent to negligible numbers. In 1932 Glendenning had determined that 90 per cent of the scales had been parasitized, and further use of chemicals was an economic waste and would reduce the effectiveness of the parasite program. The phenomenal success achieved with the biological control of the lecanium scale in Vancouver will remain a highlight in the annals of applied entomology in Canada. This success was achieved in three years at a cost of about $200, exclusive of the entomologists' time and salaries. During the previous years, 1925 to 1930, the cost to the City of Vancouver for the spraying of trees infested with the lecanium scale amounted to approximately $7000. 17 Thus biological control was much more economical; in terms of long-range effectiveness, it was vastly superior to chemical control. The lecanium scale, though still viable in British Columbia's lower mainland, never reached pest status again. The natural control agents that had been

152 Insects of British Columbia

introduced had once more proved their value and the entomologists from Agassiz could claim another victory. In 1924 Glendenning was asked to assist the hop growers in the Lower Fraser valley in their battle against the hop-plum aphid, Phorodon humuli. A more efficient and economical method of control was required. In 1924, nearly $20,000 had been spent in spraying operations on about 500 acres of hops in order to harvest a marketable crop. About 1500 acres had normally been planted to hops every year, in the Agassiz, Sardis, and Sumas districts, having a value of $750,000. Upon investigation, Glendenning found that the hop aphid had remarkable powers of procreation, 14 generations being produced in a single season. None of these insects overwintered on hops but rather on wild plum trees, from which they would migrate to the hops in the spring. Taking first things first, Glendenning recommended that all wild plum trees be destroyed and that all cultivated plum trees be sprayed in early spring. This, together with improved spraying equipment, reduced the costs and greatly improved the control achieved. Spray costs were reduced from $40 per acre in 1924 to $10 per acre in 1931, with the added certainty of producing a clean, marketable crop. 18 While working in the hop fields, Glendenning was aware of other insect pests attacking the same crop. One of these, together with the hop-plum aphid, was the red spider mite. Herbert H. Ross, one of the seasonal assistants, was assigned to study the mite. He had received an initial temporary appointment in 1926, as an insect pest inspector, along with John Stanley. After graduating with a BSA from the University of British Columbia in 1927, followed by post-graduate training at the University of Illinois, he pursued an academic career in entomology at the universities of Illinois and Georgia, retiring in 1977. He died in 1978. Previous to 1926 the red spider mite had not constituted a serious menace in British Columbia hopyards, but in that year it was particularly abundant, causing serious trouble for the growers. Ross studied its life history in 1926 and 1927, and assisted with dusting experiments using chemicals. Sulphur sprays were found unsatisfactory because not enough sulphur adhered to the hop leaf. This defect was overcome by using a power dusting machine that spread a dust of hydrated lime and sulphur (50/ 50) on the hop plants. This gave 100 per cent control. 19 The extra dividend derived from this work was the expertise gained by the Agassiz entomologists in using high-powered dusting equipment. They were now in a much better position to recommend, and use, the dusting equipment in applying the insecticidal dusts for the control of other insect pests. During the first decade of work at the Agassiz laboratory no insect pest gave Glendenning as much concern as the European earwig, Forficula auricularia:

153 Glendenning at Agassiz The first specimens of F. auricularia actually reported for British Columbia were taken alive by the author [R.C. Treherne) in September, 1916, at Vancouver, in the hold of the S.S. Talthybius, on arrival from Europe and Asia ... In August, 1919, reports of the presence of this insect were received from the neighborhood of English Bay, in the city of Vancouver, and in 1920 the reports increased in numbers. An examination revealed the fact that the insects were widespread through the 'west end' of the city and in Stanley Park. In 1921, specimens were seen on the foliage of trees in the boulevards of Vancouver and New Westminster. The numbers found undoubtedly indicated an earlier introduction than 1919.20

The manner of introduction of this pest into Canada was of no consequence to Glendenning. He knew they were present, because homeowners reported them as feeding on flowers, vegetables, blossoms of fruit trees, and on the fresh, tender green shoots of a host of other plants. They specially raised the ire of householders when discovered in the houses, for being nocturnal in habit, they secreted themselves in upholstery, under cushions, rugs, verandah awnings, and in bread boxes and other kitchen containers. Glendenning immediately set out to induce all civic authorities to undertake control measures before the pest got quite out of hand. Control consisted of baiting using a prepared bait of wheat bran, molasses, and sodium fluoride. This mixture was spread over the garden and lawn at dusk, a one-gallon mixture usually being sufficient for one city lot. By 1928 Glendenning had worked out the life history of the pest in the Vancouver area, and had spent innumerable hours in devising and supervising workable municipal baiting schemes. By that time, also, Vancouver had spent $15,000 on an earwig control campaign, and had planned to spend $28,000 for an all-out campaign in 1928. The city could no longer afford to be content with minimal control. The earwigs had spread so far, and increased in number to such an extent, that sections of towns were rendered almost uninhabitable. Property values were decreasing rapidly because of the presence of the insects. Therefore large community baiting campaigns were organized, some costing up to $50,000. Many square miles of land were baited by gangs of men employed by the cities for that purpose. In order to lessen the cost of the bait Glendenning and his assistant, J. Cianci, experimented with various substitute carriers of the poison. Sawdust was found to be very satisfactory and, because of its abundance and ready availability, its use lowered the costs substantially. Despite the extensive baiting campaigns the best they could hope for was to protect the crops and the vegetation; there was no hope of extermination of the pest. Furthermore, they could not prevent a spread of the insects because earwigs were constantly being introduced into new places and areas with the merchandizing of commercial goods. Auto camps were often the first places

154 Insects of British Columbia to become infested in a new district because the insects were readily transported in baggage and in automobiles. Long-range permanent control had to be achieved in some other manner, probably by biological control. In 1928, 1929, and 1930, puparia of the tachinid fly, Digonochaeta setipennis, were shipped to Belleville, Ontario, for mass rearing and later released as adult flies in British Columbia. From these puparia 761 flies were received alive in Vancouver.They had been sent in wire cages every fewdays as they emerged, usually about 30 to a cage, by express from Bellevilleto Agassiz, the time occupied on this journey being four days. Only 52 out of 813 flies shipped died en route, most of these succumbing in one shipment through improper handling on the train. In 1930 only 11 out of 348 died, the improvement being due to better shipping cages. Immediately upon receipt at Agassiz, the cages were inspected for food and moisture conditions and then taken direct to New Westminster where they were liberated. Westminster was selected in preference to Vancouveron account of heavier earwig populationand absence of any large control measures.21 Immediate ameliorating effects were not expected because the process of biological control was known to be a slow one, even if the parasite flies became estabished. Baiting campaigns had to be continued but Vancouver's was the only civic authority that would undertake any control measures in 1931. All other communities did nothing. In the spring of 1930 the city fathers, acting on the advice of Glendenning and their legal counsel, passed a by-law to legalize a baiting operation by the city to give right of entry to property, and to enable the city to levy a tax on affected property to recover the cost of baiting. An enabling clause was necessary in the city charter, and passed by the legislature in March 1930. Prior to the enactment of this legislation the baiting work had been performed under the pretended protection of the federal Destructive Insect and Pest Act, 191o. However, because the Deputy Minister refused to appoint non-federal employee inspectors under the act, it was necessary to obtain legal protection from other quarters. Another reason for the enactment of the provincial legislation was the desirability of splitting the mounting annual costs of the baiting program, which when taken from current revenue totalled over $20,000 in some years. When all the legislation was in place an all-out offensive was launched by the city. In Glendenning's original recommendations to the City of Vancouver, it was suggested that a city-wide baiting campaign, excepting the west end, be undertaken. This would cost about $45,000. A delay caused chiefly by the enactment of the city by-law made it impossible for the campaign manager to complete the plans of operation for so large an area. Consequently, a severely infested area of about 700 city

155 Glendenning at Agassiz

blocks was chosen for treatment. This can be compared with the 1270 blocks treated in 1928, and the 170 in 1929. The total cost of the baiting was $12,733, or an expenditure of 90 cents per lot for a double application of bait. The baiting started on 13 May and was completed on 12 July. Two crews of 12 men, one foreman, and one truck were employed for 39 days. Complaints and objections were occasionally made and physical violence - with fists and an occasional rifle shot - was also threatened. This happened in the poorer districts where bait was spread nevertheless. Assessment notices, covering the cost of baiting, were sent to property owners. A standard 60 by 120 foot lot was assessed $1.25. Only 35 per cent of the bills had been paid by the end of the year. In 1931 the efforts to control earwigs were directed to districts that had not previously been baited. The districts of South Vancouver, Kitsilano, Shaughnessy West, and Kerrisdale were treated, but the work was spread out over a three-month period, rather than the former six weeks. This produced an estimated 85 per cent control except in South Vancouver. Here the work was done under more of a handicap than elsewhere. Considerable opposition was met from residents of smaller homes, voicing indignation against having their homes entered. A few complaints were made in Kitsilano and Kerrisdale, protesting the right of entry, but on the whole comparatively little opposition was encountered, especially from those who lived on larger premises. The dissidents apparently believed that the 'Earwig Bylaw,' which gave legal right of entry, was just another scheme to take away the personal rights of individuals and to increase taxation. 22 Baiting crews were dispatched from central bait-mixing yards to do the work. Three crews were used in 1931, each with a foreman, II men, and a truck, having the capability of spreading 100 sacks of bait per day per crew. Hardwood sawdust, mixed with bran, was used for the first time. It proved quite satisfactory and reduced the cost considerably. An estimated 20,724 lots were baited in 1931, as compared with 12,045 in 1930. Total costs were $19,078, or 92 cents per lot. Only $5,107.62 of the 1930 baiting compaign expenses of $12,733.35 had been collected by direct billing; the balance was placed on the 1932 tax rolls of those concerned. 23 Glendenning, after a survey made in the fall of 1931, reported drastic reductions in population of the earwigs in most districts. West Point Grey, West End, Grandview, South West Kerrisdale, and Collingwood still had large numbers of the insects. He suggested an intensive baiting campaign in these districts in 1932. However, because of financial uncertainty, no baiting campaign was launched. The earwig situation took a turn for the worse. The baiting campaigns had kept the insects fairly well under control in most parts of the city. In 1932 populations increased enormously and were expected to cause serious damage. Glendenning hoped that two other measures would work. The parasites liberated in 1928, 1929, and 1930 might become established in New Westminster and spread

156 Insects of British Columbia out from there. But, search as he would, he could find no parasites in 1931 or thereafter. This avenue of control appeared to be a dead-end street. Experiments on the effects of cold conducted by Glendenning and his assistants, Cianci, C.L.B. Brown, and H.G. Glover, had shown some promise - any temperature below 18°F was fatal to earwigs under artificial conditions. 24 A cold spell occurred between 7 and 15 December 1932, reducing the air temperature to 11°F, and froze the unprotected ground to a depth of 8 inches. Almost all the earwigs were found dead in buried experimental cages, and few were visible in the city the following spring. This respite gave Downes and his staff time to rear fresh batches of the parasitic fly Digonochaeta setipennis in Victoria (see pp. 138--9 and 154). The parasites were released annually in Vancouver from 1934 to 1939 and became established; they reduced the earwig populations to non-economic levels. Although the insects were never eliminated their ravages were reduced to the point where people have learned to live with the few that appear on the scene annually. Thus ended the problem of earwig nuisance and damage in the Lower Fraser valley. Further releases of the parasite B. spinipennis were made in the interior of British Columbia in 1954-56.25 In all areas where it has been colonized it is now contributing to the control of the European earwig. In 1933 reports reached Agassiz that field peas in the Chilliwack and Sumas Prairie areas were being injured by a small worm feeding on the seeds within the pods. Glendenning found that infestations of the pea moth, Laspeyresia nigricana, reached 90 per cent in some fields. There were, of course, many fields less severely infested, but none were free of the pests. 26 Upon inquiry it was learned that the pea moth was not known to have caused injury to crops before 1932. Serious damage was not caused until 1933. A few 'old timers,' such as F.A. Collinson of South Sumas and G.E.W. Clarke of Abbotsford, claimed that the insect had been in the country for possibly ten or twelve years, but never a pest until 1933. Others, such as A. Gillanders of East Chilliwack, claimed that pea growing had to be discontinued in that district about twenty or twenty-five years earlier because of some pest, but he was not sure which one. Glendenning immediately set out to study the moth's life history and to develop control methods appropriate for the climate of southern British Columbia. Methods used in eastern Canada and in England, such as deep ploughing, crop rotation, and arsenical sprays, proved to be useless. New ones had to be devised. In 1933 it was estimated that the economic loss due to pea moth injury amounted to $25,000. By 1934 this had risen to $43,900. Losses continued to increase each year until the area devoted to dry pea production on the Sumas Prairie dropped from 3000 to 100 acres.27 Home owners stopped growing peas because their garden peas were so severely infested they could not be used. Controls were not available.

l

57 Glendenning at Agassiz

Harry G. Fulton, the seasonal assistant at Agassiz, was assigned to the pea moth project in 1936. He had tried his hand at farming, but was unsuccessful, in part because of the general 'depression' of the country in the 1930s. The pea moth 'crisis' came along just in time for him to land a job at Agassiz in 1935, just after he had graduated in horticulture from the University of British Columbia. After making detailed life history studies, Fulton discovered that the moth did have a certain vulnerability. He and Glendenning recommended to the growers that they plant a hoed crop on a field that had been planted to field peas the previous year. The consequent cultivation of that field disturbed the pupae in the soil to such an extent that 90 per cent of the moths could not emerge. They thereby produced good control of the pest and the procedure required no extra expense by the grower. For rows of garden peas a nicotine-oil emulsion spray could be used to kill the eggs laid on the leaves of the plants.28 The entomologists also discovered that canning peas - those that were still green and not hard - became seriously infested only when grown near districts that specialized in dry peas that were mature and hard. The delay in harvest of the dry peas permitted the maturation of the larvae of the pea moths also. It was, therefore, recommended that growers not be allowed to permit their peas to ripen as dry field peas, for in doing so they would only perpetuate the insect species. To this end a provincial quarantine order was passed in 1938, which prohibited the growing of dry peas in the Matsqui area. This resulted in a flourishing canning pea industry in this district for the pea fields were now relatively free of serious infestations of the pea moth. Three important wasp parasites were obtained in considerable numbers from England and released in the infested pea growing areas in 1937, 1938, and 1939. By 1941, only 0.5 per cent of infested peas contained parasites. This was a very small amount of parasitism, but it meant that the wasps had become established in southern British Columbia and that more and more parasitism would ensue. In 1945 the collections of peas and insects made by the entomologists showed 80 per cent of the larvae and the subsequent pupae of the pea moth to be parasitized. 29 A further marked increase in parasitism, coupled with a noticeable decrease in infestation, followed in 1946. Low levels of pea moth injury have remained to the present day. The Entomological Branch had achieved control of yet another insect pest, not by selective chemical means but by introducing permanent biological control agents which would continue to serve Canadian agriculture for years to come. Glendenning and his staff investigated and learned how to control a large variety of lesser pest insects. One was the wheat midge, Sitodiplosis mosellana, a perennial pest on the lower mainland occasionally causing serious losses of the wheat crop. Observations were made of the seasonal behaviour of the pest and it was noticed that

I 58 Insects of British Columbia early-sown wheat escaped damage. The adult flies laid their eggs only on flowering wheat. It was therefore recommended that wheat should be sown early so that it would be beyond the flowering stage when the adult flies emerged. The recommendation was adopted and farmers suffered very little crop loss thereafter from the ravages of this pest. It was an example of a remarkably simple remedy, costing the growers nothing, but based on a few key observations. In 1926 some 3000 acres of red clover, grown for seed as a demonstration project of the provincial government on reclaimed lands on the Sumas Prairie, were threatened by an outbreak of the clover seed midge, Dasineura leguminicola. Public funds had been used to drain the low-lying region and it was politically expedient to show that clover could be grown there successfully. Glendenning was called upon for help. Any project that had some subtle overtones - or undertones - was a challenge he could not resist. After a careful study of the insects' life history, and of the sequence of events in the farming operation, he came to the simple conclusion: cut the first clover crop for hay and leave the second for seed. With the first cutting all the insect larvae in the seed heads would be removed, leaving an uninfested second growth for seed. Again a simple observation had resulted in the saving of a crop valued at $50,000, 30 and the saving of face by a worried provincial group. For many years flea beetles, of which there were at least Io different species, attacked cruciferous and garden crops of farmers and horticulturists. The cabbage flea beetle was particularly obnoxious because all chemical insecticides available in the early 1920s had proved ineffective. Glendenning was reasonably certain that the insects were not immune to arsenicals, fluosilicates, or kerosene, and that the poisons were just not being absorbed or ingested by the beetles. After a prolonged and careful study of the insects' behaviour, he came up with a remedy: a 3 per cent nicotine dust to be used at a shade temperature of 65°F, or over. This dust kills by the rapid liberation of nicotine fumes which are breathed in by the beetles, causing instant paralysis. The nicotine is very volatile when mixed with lime, especially in warm weather, and the dust should, therefore, be mixed fresh for each application, or else kept in an air-tight container. A considerable saving in time and material may be effected when dusting if, when the main crop of cabbage or kale, etc., is sown, a row of swede turnips is also sown amongst the main crop. The beetles much prefer these turnips to any other cruciferous plant, and congregatein immense numbers thereon, where they may be destroyed with great saving, as it may not be necessary to dust the whole crop.31 Derris dust, pyrethrins, DDT, and other insecticides have since supplanted the nicotine dust, but the basic biological facts, as determined by Glendenning, are still tenable. Thus it was with other insect pests brought under control through judicious use of chemicals: the gladiolus thrips which was controlled simply by cleaning the

159 Glendenning at Agassiz winter stock of cormbs with naphthalene; the yew leaf roller, controlled with sprays of nicotine to kill newly hatched larvae; and the cyclamen mite in greenhouses, checked by spraying with pyrethrum extract. Not all the pests Glendenning dealt with were insects! Slugs, those slimy, slowmoving relatives of snails, are very abundant in the humid coastal region of British Columbia. Serious loss of all types of truck crops was experienced by gardeners and horticulturists, as a result of the feeding of the slugs. Farmers were also suffering some loss of field corn (maize), reseeding being necessary in some cases. Being nocturnal in habit, the slugs could be poisoned only when a deterrent or toxic material was applied at night. Very heavy dews were normally experienced every night in fine weather, and such deterrent sprays were rapidly washed from the foliage. Therefore the sprays had to be applied repeatedly in order to have a fatal effect on these creatures. It had long been recommended to broadcast slaked lime lightly over the soil before nightfall, so that when the slug began to move about some of the lime would adhere to the body and kill it. In 1928, and again in 1931, slugs increased enormously in number in the Lower Fraser valley. In the Agassiz district four species of slugs were of economic importance: the grey garden slug, the brown slug, the great slug of Europe, and the reticulated slug.32 They ranged in size from less than threequarters of an inch, to five inches in length, lending a feeling of revulsion and disgust at the sight of the slimy creatures. After considerable experimentation, Glendenning and his assistants, Cianci and Glover, 33 devised two chemical methods of control. The first was a bait, consisting of bran and metaldehyde, set out in pans or in little piles under foliage, for the slugs to feed on at night. The second was a contact dust containing dehydrated copper sulphate and lime. This was dusted on the foliage, and on the slugs, at night during the latter's nocturnal feeding safaris. Copper, in any form, is toxic to slugs; the contact mixture that was used caused profuse salivation, and death, in a few minutes. Other dusts and sprays have come into use since that time, but none has been found to be faster acting, or as safe for other non-injurious creatures such as birds, as the remedies created by the entomologists at Agassiz. No one would deny that moles are pests, especially to gardeners and small-fruit growers. But that the task of devising and recommending suitable control measures for these animals should fall on the shoulders of entomologists is unusual indeed. Raspberry growers in the Agassiz-Chilliwack area, in the early 1930s, requested that Experimental Farm personnel at Agassiz find a 'cure' for the damage these small creatures were causing to the roots of cane-fruit plantations. Glendenning was intimately associated with the cane-fruit industry. He had investigated and achieved

160 Insects of British Columbia control of such insect pests as the raspberry crown borer, cane girdler, raspberry beetle, blackberry mite, raspberry byturus, and some of the associated plant diseases as well.34 He would also be the only one who would be able to differentiate between insect damage and mole damage. The problem was laid before Arthur Gibson, who sanctioned the study. There were some raised eyebrows and dubious headshakes among personnel of the upper echelons of the Dominion Department of Agriculture, but there was no real opposition to the idea. Many thought it was foolhardy but Glendenning was willing to try. And try he did! In 1934 a seasonal assistant, W.J. Riley, was assigned to work with Glendenning on mole control, as was D.G. Gillespie in 1935. They hunted, dug, crawled, and spent most of the summer on their hands and knees learning all they could about the habits, behaviour, and life styles of moles. The principal species involved was Schaeffer's mole, although a small population of the Townsend mole was present at Huntingdon. In 1936, Glendenning and Harry Fulton went into action against the moles. They tested various explosives in an attempt to kill the animals in their burrows, by concussion. 35 Alas, the gun-thundering, warlike atmosphere, and the craters left in the fields caused as much concern to the growers as did the moles. This experimental plan was soon abandoned. Added to this was the physical danger to the experimenters, and the loss of fruit that dropped to the ground after each detonation. Worst of all was the fact that the moles were more resistant to concussion than had been expected. They continued tunnelling, the noise and fury of the explosions only adding to the speed of destruction and nuisance-making. Then came the gassing trials. If chlorine and other war gases had wreaked havoc among the troops at Passchendale, it was reasoned that the same gases could also have lethal effects on moles.36 So thought the entomologists, but not the moles. They simply blocked the tunnels behind them as they burrowed; the chlorine gas never reached them in large enough quantities to be lethal. Further trials were discontinued, since it also proved to be fairly dangerous to the entomologists themselves. Trapping still remained the most successful method of mole control. Populations could be reduced to nearly negligible numbers after an extensive and continuous trapping program conducted for three to four years. All other methods were cumbersome, variable, and unreliable. Recommendations to that effect, made by Glendenning prior to 1939, are still in effect today. Moreover, present-day entomologists no longer concern themselves with moles. Perhaps the removal of this challenge has narrowed the sphere of the researchers and one may lament that some fun has been removed from their work as well. At the close of 1936, Glendenning remarked 'The most outstanding feature of the season was the large number of new and potential pests that came to our attention

161 Glendenning at Agassiz

for the first time, and in many cases were new records.' 37 Settlement in the Lower Fraser valley had increased because of the influx of farmers from the droughtstricken prairies. Agriculture had intensified and more land was used for food production. This had a 'cafeteria effect' on insects, for it provided them with easy access to a variety of foods and may have resulted in a proliferation and an increase in the number of well-fed species. The asparagus beetle appeared for the first time as a dangerous destroyer of truck crops in the spring of 1936. Grasshoppers, usually thought of as a pestilence of the prairie-Great Plains region, were unusually abundant in small 'bush farms' at Popcum. One insect that flashed into economic prominence was the cabbage seedpod weevil, Ceutorhynchus assimilis. An American, L.L. Buchanan, reported the collecting of a specimen at Vancouver on 28 May 1931. In 1935, J.W. Eastham, the provincial plant pathologist at Vancouver, submitted cruciferous seed pods, collected at Dewdney, to Glendenning and asked him what insect had caused the damage. Definite species determinations were not made until 1937 when adults, collected at Langley and Dewdney, were identified by Ralph Hopping. By 1938 the insects were generally distributed and became a serious pest in the seed growing areas of the Lower Fraser valley.38 By 1939 the true significance of the weevil's depredations became apparent. Cruciferous seed that had hitherto been imported in large quantities from European countries was now suddenly not available. The outbreak of war had stopped the shipment of seed from Axis nations and generally halted trade traffic from others. Canada was now required to grow as much of its own seed as possible. The cabbage seedpod weevil had reduced yields by 25 to 50 per cent, and when turnip seed yielded $400 per acre, or cabbage seed $1600 per acre, the presence and action of the insects created a very substantial loss. Life history studies and control experiments by Glendenning and Fulton were fraught with practical difficulties. Contact dusts such as derris and barium silicate proved useless. As soon as the resident population was killed in the fields, more would migrate in from wild host plants. Further work in 1940 was halted because no one could devote the required amount of time to the investigation. G.W. Steel, a seasonal assistant in 1939, was not re-hired because of the 'abrogation of his position.' 39 Further investigations had to wait. The war had to end and the 'new' insecticides had to be introduced before successful control of the weevil was achieved. A second insect pest that was a serious threat to agricultural production, just prior to and during the war, was the carrot rust fly, Psi/a rosae. It was well known in Canada as early as 1885. Control was achieved by spreading sand, moistened with petroleum, carbolic acid, or some other malodorous substance, to repel the adult

162

Insects of British Columbia

flies. Glendenning identified it in 1937 as causing damage to carrots in the Lower Fraser valley, although he had noted its presence a year earlier. 40 By 1938 it was causing extensive damage to pcivate and commercial plantings. Inquiries for advice about control became so numerous by 1940 that Glendenning and Fulton instituted studies of the life history of the flies. Control was achieved by using naphthalene flakes, or mercuric chloride-talc dust, spread lightly over the rows. This recommendation persisted and continued to give satisfactory control until replaced by the newer organic compounds of the post-war era. Since then the fly has been linked with 'aster yellows,' a virus disease of plants, especially of root crops. It is still the subject of research. With the advent of war in 1939, entomology in the Lower Fraser valley, like so many other activities, went into a 'HOLD' position. Glendenning had only one assistant, Harry Fulton, to help him in his work. Students were not available from the universities, and the government was not hiring any. The pressures of insect outbreaks did not subside but rather increased, if not in intensity then in diversity. New pests came to the fore: tuber flea beetle, Epitrix tuberis, and the narcissus bulb fly, Merodon equestris, to mention only two. However, the Agassiz entomologists remained dedicated to their work.

II

The interior

The dry, hot regions of the interior of British Columbia spawned their own special breeds of injurious insects. Because the regions - the Okanagan Valley, the Kootenays, and the Chilcotin - were adapted to the success of the fruit industry and livestock enterprises, insects related to these soon sprang into prominence. Early in the century there were few orchard pests in British Columbia. By 1914 a considerable number of insects threatened orchard production. The most important pests were the many species of aphids, the oystershell scale, pear slug, leafhoppers, and the pear leaf blister mite. 1 Having established the Dominion Entomological Laboratory at Vernon, R.C. Treherne found that the insects were as prevalent as the inquiries that led to the laboratory's establishment. He was the senior official, with only Peter Venables as a temporary assistant, as of l April 1920. The two provincial officers were Max Ruhmann and E.R. Buckell. Most of the insect problems were directly related to fruit growing, and in particular the tree-fruit industry. Ruhmann was the 'inside man' and was necessarily office-bound to take care of the many inquiries, identify insects, make displays, and handle the correspondence. E.R. Buckell was the 'outside man,' the investigator who roamed the 200,000 square miles of territory wherever pest insects appeared. It was soon evident that the greatest insect-related problems were those of the dry rangelands: grasshoppers and over-grazing. He was naturally inclined to the open country, so he was bent on doing something about rangeland insects. E.P. Venables, the 'federal man,' was left to look after problems created by aphids, leafhoppers, and scale insects. In fact, Venables did more than just investigate the insects damaging fruit. The gardeners of the region, many of whom had installed extensive irrigation systems, were also plagued with a host of weevils, grubs, maggots, and worms, which attacked their garden crops. In 1920 some 20 acres had been set aside at Vernon for experimental work on onion maggots. A

164 Insects of British Columbia further 35,000 cabbage plants had been set out for purposes of investigating the amount of damage that cabbage root maggots could inflict on a garden. 2 To solve the horticulturists' problems was a full time job in itself. Buckell was in his element on the open range. To familiarize himself with the vast territory which he was to 'police' for insect damage, he toured it on horseback. Roads were poor or non-existent, but a good saddle-horse would get him through at all times. Most memorable was the ride of250 miles from Vernon to Riske Creek, in the northern Chilcotin region. It may have been, or seemed to be, a hardship to travel throughout the country in this manner, but it was an excellent method of getting to know the area, the ecological conditions, and the extent of range depletion. The upper Chilcotin ranges, i.e. the Riske Creek range, had never been known to harbour injurious hordes of grasshoppers in the past. This triangular area lies at the northern limit of the 'dry belt' of the province, extending as far north as 52°N. At the time when the Riske Creek range was covered with Bunch-grass, and in fact, up until the last few years when the increase in cattle and horses has kept the range continually eaten down, the grasshoppers were never in sufficient numbers to be noticed by the settlers. Several of the older ranchers claim that grasshoppers were not present on the ranges in the early days, but have come suddenly during the last few years ... As the damage done by locusts has been in some cases of considerable importance, and in view of the fact that the Provincial Government has been asked, by settlers, for aid in controlling the locusts which have been destroying their crops, it was thought advisable to make a study of the species of locusts to be found on the range areas of British Columbia and to devise, if possible, remedial measures. 3

In 1920 Buckell was still an employee of the province. He was assigned to the Vernon laboratory and treated as one of the regular federal staff members. Because there was an insect problem on the ranges that the province wanted investigated, and because Buckell's bachelor life may have suited him for the long days of work away from home, in the saddle, on foot, and in open country, he was assigned to solve the grasshopper problem. Treherne joined him for June 1920, out on the Chilcotin range, 150 miles north of the Canadian Pacific Railway mainline. Basic investigations made at this time set the stage for the next twenty years of rangeland insect research and prompted recommendations for grazing rotation, fencing, and grasshopper control that would restore the range for the rancher's herds. 4 Treherne made some important decisions in 1921 to facilitate the entomological work at Vernon. The first was to open and put into operation a temporary experiment substation at Coldstream. He put Venables in charge. This was in the heart of

165 The interior the tree-fruit growing area and here the fruit insects, being more readily accessible, were investigated with greater ease. Of particular importance at that time was the damage caused to sour cherries by a serious outbreak of the lesser apple worm, 5 a problem that required the immediate attention of Venables. The second decision was to establish some temporary field stations, on the open ranges, which would be staff headquarters for the summer. Grasshoppers were numerous on all the grassland ranges and there was every indication in 1921, that populations would increase in subsequent years. The threat of severe grasshopper outbreaks was ominous enough to warrant the transfer of Paul Vroom to Vernon to assist Buckel!. Vroom had had extensive entomological experience in 1913 as a brown-tail moth inspector, and as an assistant entomologist, at the Natural Control Investigations Laboratory at Fredricton, New Brunswick, from 1916 to 1919. Then he had gone to Agassiz to help Baird rear parasites of the tent caterpillar, and finally had spent two summers with Norman Criddle at Treesbank, Manitoba. Here he had been involved in a grasshopper control campaign in 1920 and 1921.6 He arrived at Vernon early in January 1922 to make preparations for the grasshopper control campaign in the interior. For the next seven years Paul Vroom remained closely associated with Buckell and the rangeland grasshoppers of British Columbia - until his transfer back to Ottawa in March 1929. As soon as spring arrived in 1922 Buckell and Vroom set up the season's camp on the Nicola range. By July the grasshoppers had overrun the Nicola, Merritt, and Chilcotin ranges. They appeared in immense numbers, the worst in twenty-six years, and by the end of the year it had definitely been the most serious outbreak in the history of the province.7 That grasshoppers were, in part, to blame for the depletion of rangeland grasses was readily verified. However, the onset and the rapid decrease in the available forage were caused by the great increase in the number of cattle. Domestic stock was first moved into British Columbia during the 1860s, when gold was discovered on the Fraser. Great herds of cattle, food for the hordes of hungry miners who flocked into the area, were driven north from California, Oregon, and Washington. These cattle were readily overwintered, for there was plenty of grass on the lower and upper benches of the valleys. Small herds that remained after the gold rush served as the nuclei of ranch herds, for which there was ample pasturage. When the Canadian Pacific Railway completed its transcontinental line in 1886, agricultural development increased by prodigious leaps and bounds. Land that was formerly used for the grazing of cattle and sheep was subdivided into farms for the production of hay, grain, and garden produce. The partial settlement of the land and the increase in population demanded that more cattle be kept close at hand for the

166 Insects of British Columbia 'home' market, with the result that cattle were restrained in restricted areas. The Kamloops-Nicola ranges were favorite grazing areas. Large herds were established there, the grazing pressure increased, and it was not surprising that the first severe outbreak of grasshoppers in the Nicola valley in 1889 quickly depleted the forage to a critical level. Further serious outbreaks took place in the periods 1898 to 1902, 1907 to 1908, and 1914 to 1915,8 and now one was in full swing again in 1922. The principal species of grasshopper causing all the excitement in the 'dry belt' was the 'warrior' or 'clear-winged grasshopper,' Camnula pellucida. These are insects whose natural habitat is a dry, bare, closely cropped range, where they feed on the small, tender, green shoots which continue to come up although the grass is persistently eaten down by the stock. They were found much more frequently on the prairies of the Great Plains, and their presence in untold numbers on the ranges of British Columbia was unprecedented and demanded investigation. The establishment of a summer field station in the Nicola range was a great boon to the entomological workers. It served as headquarters for the baiting operations as well as a laboratory for research purposes. Buckell and Vroom made extensive use of the station during the severe outbreak of 1921 to 1923, but remained on in subsequent years even though the insect populations had declined to very low levels by 1924. The province supplied the ingre4ients of the grasshopper bait, and assisted in mixing them. Ranchers and farmers distributed the bait, receiving supervision from the entomologists. Because of the severity of the outbreak and the large area involved the logistics of the control campaign demanded the latter's full-time attention. Many weeks in winter and spring were taken up with meetings involving the ranchers, and with provincial officials in organizing the campaign. By 1924 the whole control machinery was well oiled and operating smoothly. T.P. MacKenzie, provincial Grazing Commissioner, was very much concerned about the grasshopper problem, and was most co-operative in order to ensure the campaign was run efficiently. Mixing machines and poison bait supplies were stationed at strategic points throughout the territory, and the egg-beds of the grasshoppers were mapped so that the control work could be started in the spring as soon as possible. The cattlemen were eager to co-operate as they had lost all their grass on the ranges to the grasshoppers for five consecutive years. The grasshopper plague was kept well in hand by the constant vigilance of control personnel and the baiting program. However, infestations spread from the United States border at Osoyoos to the 52nd parallel of latitude at Riske Creek. It would have been an almost impossible task for two federal entomologists to retain contact with everything that transpired over such a vast territory, if it had not been for the excellent help provided by the provincial government. D. Warnock, Deputy Minister of Agriculture, did not hesitate to provide men, money, and materials whenever and

167 The interior

wherever needed. These were of inestimable value in helping to keep the damage down to low levels. Five years of study of the influence of grasshoppers on range depletion gave Buckell and Vroom the basic information needed in designing a good control campaign. These studies had been conducted in the Lower Okanagan and in the Rock Creek sections in 1919, in the Chilcotins in 1920 and 1921, and in the Nicola valley, from Kamloops to Princeton, in 1922 and 1923. Although grasshopper populations were kept in check, the general level of infestation of these insects dropped in 1924 and 1925. Another insect pest appeared in the Nicola valley in 1925. This one was a cricket, Anabrus longipes, one of the many species of black field crickets. Once before, in

1911, this species had increased in numbers sufficiently to cause serious concern to the ranchers and damage to the rangeland west of Vernon in the north Okanagan valley. Vroom and Buckell spent considerable time in scouting the infestations on the ranges, and in directing the control operations. However, when the nymphs started to threaten the garden crops, especially the onions of gardeners in the Kelowna area, work on the formulation and effectiveness of new baits was begun. These were tested by many of the gardeners, and provided adequate protection of their crops. Buckell and Vroom had experimented with many types of carriers of the poison and found sawdust and/or bran very satisfactory. Similar success had been achieved by Norman Criddle and other prairie entomologists. Buckell, however, used another unusual ingredient as a carrier of the arsenical poison. He used cattle manure, just as Criddle had used horse manure when concocting his 'Criddle Mixture.' In both instances, manure was used as a carrier because it was plentiful. Also, when the 'Buckell Mixture' was used on the dry-land farms of British Columbia, it provided control that equalled the success of the Criddle Mixture on the dry-land farms of the prairies. In 1925, Criddle visited the Nicola and several other dry ranges of the interior at the request of Ronald Buckell. Criddle was the 'Dean' of western Canadian entomolgists and had extensive experience with grasshoppers and their control on the prairies. Buckell wanted to make certain that the control practices that he had recommended to, and which were accepted by, the British Columbia government, were the best available. He therefore solicited Criddle's help and advice. They travelled through northern British Columbia, including the Cariboo Road, Barkerville, Quesnel, and Prince George, and made many detailed observations of grasshoppers. These indicated that 'every dry portion of the province is infested with grasshoppers, and a very bad grasshopper situation is expected to develop in 1926.' 9 This made it necessary to gear up for another extensive control campaign. Plans were made in consultation with the grazing commissioner, T.P. MacKenzie, and

168 Insects of British Columbia other members of the provincial Department of Agriculture. Meetings were held and talks on grasshopper control were given to members of various farmers institutes. Encouragement was given to the ranchers to invest in control. Buckell estimated that 1925 was 'the worst grasshopper year in the history of British Columbia, vegetable and forage crops, to the value of $500,000 were saved from destruction in the Kelowna and Vernon areas, at a cost of a little over $16,ooo.l!0 As with so many protracted endeavours, the baiting of rangeland for grasshopper control was becoming a monotonous and tedious occupation. Some ranchers were enthusiastically wasting bait by spreading it too thickly, or at the wrong time and in the wrong places; others were giving up the fight and doing nothing. Neither situation was economically sound and both were of concern to government officials. At some of the meetings of the farmers institutes, and also at the annual convention of the British Columbia Woolgrowers Association, D. Warnock, Deputy Minister of Agriculture, outlined his department's policy with regard to the free distribution of poison bait ingredients for grasshopper control. Because of some wastage of bait, and non-co-operation of some ranchers with the federal and provincial authorities, he threatened to put compulsory legislation into effect. Such a threat was not a pleasant prospect for the highly individualistic ranchers, but Warnock hoped this was all that would be needed to ensure co-operation. The provincial government had received many requests during the winter for aid in combating grasshoppers in the Peace River district around Pouce Coupe, Grande Prairie, and Fort St John, the worst of the grasshopper infested territories in 1926. Paul Vroom investigated the Peace River outbreak and took charge of the baiting operations. A new man, 1.J. Ward, was employed to assist Buckell in supervising and scouting the rest of the province. In general, excellent control was achieved. Dr Warnock's threat to legislate participation seemed to have had the desired effect. The late fall evaluation of the grasshopper situation in British Columbia in 1926 left no doubt that the insects were declining in numbers in southern districts. In the Peace River country the grasshoppers were on the increase. The usual preparatory stages for a campaign were once more completed. Vroom was placed in charge of the campaign and left Vernon for the Peace River settlements on 9 May 1927. Because of good organization the control of grasshoppers was a success in all of the Chilcotin and central British Columbia districts. In the Peace River Block the expected outbreak 'was found to have been completely wiped out by exceptionally heavy spring rains, which drowned the young newly hatched nymphs." 1 Vroom was removed to the Chilcotin to organize the cattlemen to combat an incipient ~asshopper outbreak which threatened to assume serious proportions within the next few years. When a final survey was conducted in the fall of 1927, the unexpected appeared. A fungus disease had wiped out the adult population before

169 The interior they could lay their eggs. For the first time in many years it was anticipated that the whole province would be free from serious outbreaks. The late 1920s brought changes at Vernon. In 1927, Buckell became temporary officer-in-charge at Vernon when R.C. Treherne was transferred to Ottawa. Because the staff comprised individuals who were investigating both fruit and field crop insects, the administrative hierarchy in Ottawa removed the operational management from the Division of Field Crop and Garden Insects. The Vernon laboratory was placed under the direct jurisdiction of the Dominion Entomologist, Arthur Gibson. Buckell was promoted to the rank of 'Entomologist,' and placed in charge of the laboratory, effective I March 1928. Buckell now had a chance to devote more time to biological studies of grasshoppers, fruit insects, and to all other administrative details attendant upon the successful operation of an entomological research station. Vroom was now able to look more closely at the biology of the wheat stem maggot and also do some onion maggot control work. In March 1929, he was transferred to Ottawa and was assigned the duties of Chief Inspector for the Division of Foreign Pests Suppression of the Division of Entomology, Dominion Department of Agriculture. The removal of Vroom to Ottawa left a void in the ranks of the officers responsible for field crop insect investigations in British Columbia, but not for long - enter George J. Spencer. Spencer had been at the University of British Columbia since 1924, when he joined the Faculty of Zoology after completing his MSc degree at the University of Illinois. His interests were in applied entomology, in the ecological relationships of insects, and in their habits. When Vroom went to Ottawa Spencer was hired by the division in June 1929, for one summer's work. He began his ecological studies of grasshoppers on the Nicola ranges. Here he spent the next ten summers, particularly on the Lac du Bois range, investigating the 'nature' of grasshoppers, their parasites, and their control. In all this he was always in close collaboration with Buckell. The brief respite from injurious grasshopper hordes in 1928 appeared short-lived. In May 1929, ranchers and others reported that some districts could have serious trouble from these pests before the summer was out. Consequently supplies of poison bait materials were shipped to, and stockpiled at, Kamloops, Nicola, Empire Valley, Williams Lake, and Gang Ranch, Chilcotin, and Bulkley Valley. The cool weather kept insect numbers down although baiting was required to prevent excessive range depletion. Again the spectre of non-co-operation from some land owners reared its head. Most of the ranchers were convinced that the damage done by grasshoppers could

170 Insects of British Columbia

be eliminated or at least minimized if baiting were done by everyone who was threatened by the insects. Those that were negligent, or refused to control grasshoppers, were regarded as a menace to the community. They should be legislated into action: that was the tenor of the Nicola Stock Breeders Association when it held its meeting in the Court House in Merritt on 25 October 1929. Other meetings, of associations of a similar type, were held that fall and there seemed to be a genuine desire for some form of compulsory legislation to make all participate in grasshopper control. E.R. Buckell, at the request of the Minister of Agriculture of British Columbia, joined a committee to draft suitable legislation for the control of grasshoppers. The draft legislation was presented to the house, passed on 18 March, and given royal assent on 25 March 1930. Now British Columbia had a 'Grasshopper Control Act.' The act gave any five land owners within a zone the right to ask for the creation of a 'control zone.' The same could then be set up by an order-in-council, giving a control committee the right to enter any property and carry out control measures for purposes of killing the insects, even without the owner's consent. Costs were assessed and levied as taxes. This bit of legislation proved to be more effective than any of its initiators had anticipated. R.H. Handford, one of the leading grasshopper control specialists in Canada, remarked in 1952: A world-famous type of grasshopper control organization, Grasshopper Control Zones, arose ... Control [was] directed by a committee of ranchers, and the cost of bait materials and of hiring control crews, is collected as part of the land tax on all land within the boundaries of the organized 'zone'. This is of particular value in that it ensures control operations whenever and wherever needed. The Nicola Grasshopper Control Zone is a widely known, almost classic, example. In that zone, poisoning has been carried on annually for nearly 30 years with the result that no serious outbreak of grasshoppers has occurred there during that time. 12

The establishment of the Nicola Control Zone in 1930, and its success in controlling grasshoppers, was in no small measure the result of the intensive research work that had preceded its formation. Treherne, Buckell, Vroom, and now Spencer had their theories confirmed and their recommendations accepted. Further proof of the effectiveness of control zones lay in the establishment of further zones, such as the one as Kamloops in 1934. 13 Grasshoppers increased in number in that year, then declined, and again increased in 1937. Buckell remarked: The present [1937) grasshopper outbreak in the province is the worst on record since the control zone system was begun, and the remarkable success of this form of control has been

171 The interior

well demonstrated.It is quite astonishinghow small an amount of damageto crops there has been consideringthe severe outbreak that is in progress.' 4 The British Columbia grasshopper control zone system has been successful - the problems associated with pest grasshoppers are perennial. The Dominion Entomological Laboratory at Vernon encompassed more than just those entomologists who concerned themselves with insects attacking field crops. An equally important and significant group of entomologists worked with insects that were pests of orchards and gardens. While Treherne and Buckell were 'riding the range' in search of answers to the grasshopper problem, it was necessary for Peter Venables to remain behind in the Okanagan valley. Bothersome fruit pests kept him occupied. In 1922, thrips became numerous, Rachela bruceata was damaging commercial orchards near Vernon, and the tarnished plant bug, Lygus lineolaris, also appeared in threatening numbers in orchards. Flea beetles were injuring tomatoes, so Venables went off to the Kootenays to direct control operations there. In addition to studying the life history and habits of the insects under orchard conditions in British Columbua, Venables advised growers of the best methods of control. In many instances the methods that were recommended elsewhere were of no consequence in the orchards in the interior. New control methods were devised, especially in the use of chemicals. All the fruit growers depended on a regular scheme of spraying, one that offered control for a succession of injurious insects. 'Spray calendars' were prepared for this purpose, up-dated annually, and are still in use today. In 1923, a new type of injury to apples made its appearance in the orchards of the Okanagan valley. This was an external defect in the fruit that caused considerable loss in grade and marketability. Peter Venables was handed this problem. United States workers had investigated it for several years and were unable to identify the causative agent. He was able to trace the cause of the injury to thrips which had migrated to orchard trees from the cover crops. 15 Elimination of the injury to fruit required the control of the insects in both habitats. When two species of leaf rollers created a severe hazard in orchards during mid-summer 1923, Venables was again assigned to the case. He made a thorough study of the insects that year and was successful, in 1924, in devising controls by using various formulations of dormant cold-water oil emulsions. Every insect problem submitted to the Vernon laboratory by the Okanagan fruit growers had been brought to a satisfactory conclusion by Venables. Although Venables had the support of Buckell, the latter's frequent absences and his administrative duties left little time for assistance. Max Ruhmann, the provincial

172 Insects of British Columbia entomologist under Buckell's supervision, was busy as an extension specialist. E.A. Rendell was a seasonal employee for 1924 and 1925, and in 1925 Buckell was able to secure another staff position to be assigned to fruit insect investigations. This position was offered to A. Alec Dennys and accepted. His appointment was confirmed, as an insect pest investigator, and he joined the staff at Vernon on 1 June 1925. He was an Englishman, born in Calcutta, India, and educated at St Lawrence College, London, and at the London Polytechnical School. He became a fruit grower at Salmon Arm in 1912. His interest in nature study, especially insects, and his experience as a grower, directed his attention to research on orchard spraying. Buckell hoped that the addition of Dennys to the staff would augment the heavy program of investigation carried by Venables and himself. Some of the heavy work load was due to, and complicated by, arrangements that R.C. Treherne had made with the British Columbia Department of Agriculture when the Vernon station had been initiated. It had been agreed then that The Dominion EntomologicalBranch shall supervise the work of any provincial workers, shall conduct the entomologicalwork of the province in research and extension, and shall write such entomologicalliterature as the Provincial Department shall desire. In return, the Dominion Branch shall be given laboratory accommodationin Provincial Buildingsand shall have the use of any equipment that the Province possesses or sees fit from time to time to provide.16 Although the arrangement was generally a very good one, and of mutual benefit, the provincial work of extension and control, notably the grasshopper control campaign, had left very little time for detailed entomological research. When Dennys was hired it was anticipated that Venables would then get on with the investigations of the bionomics of fruit insects, while Dennys would be involved in the practical chemical control work. The 'best laid plans o' mice and men gang aft aglae!' The Colorado potato beetle, Leptinotarsa decemlineata, was moving beyond its occupied territory in southeastern British Columbia, causing considerable harm to the potato crops. This insect had made its initial appearance in British Columbia in 1919, at Gateway, and spread to Waldo in 1920. Treherne and Eastham recorded its further progress in 1921 to Elko, Baynes Lake, and Wardner Station. By 1925 the infestation was 'practically continuous from the International Boundary at Gateway, through Flagstone, Waldo, etc., along the Crow's Nest line of the Canadian Pacific Railway as far as Cranbrook." 7 Because of the ever spreading threat of the beetle to potato production, Buckell decided to place a man in the field to determine the exact nature and extent of the infestation in that part of the province. Dennys was selected. After an initial inspection trip in May 1926, a temporary field station was established in Cranbrook for his

173 The interior use. From these summer headquarters Dennys went forth and examined every farm within the south-eastern area of the province in the next three years. By 1928 he had mapped the distribution of the beetle, made life history studies, conducted chemical control experiments, and evolved a fairly good method of control which would suit this particular region. 18 In his 'spare time,' of which there was precious little, he conducted experimental work with several other insects, including the strawberry leaf roller, white grubs, and fruit flies. When parasites were made available from Belleville, he received shipments of Ascogastercarpocapsaewhich he released at Trail and Nelson, where it was hoped they would become established to control the codling moth. In the three seasons Dennys was in charge of the potato beetle project, he was primarily entrusted with the directing of the control operations. The provincial government supplied all the poison dusts and the dusting machines, but he had to see that the growers used them. From 1929 on officers of the federal Entomological Branch merely made periodic inspections of the territory. The provincial government took over the work of control and extension, thereby releasing Dennys from this work and permitting Buckell to use him in fruit insect control work - the original intention in 1925. However, the results of Dennys's meticulous surveys, his thorough investigations, and the ground rules he had laid down for the control operations proved excellent. On several occasions the insects had spread northward to new territories, but in every instance they were detected and eliminated. The beetle was confined to the south-eastern corner of the province, away from the interior. The situation has remained unchanged to the present time. Fruit growers in Canada and the United States faced the effects of poisonous residues of arsenicals remaining on fruit as a result of the spraying of orchards with arsenic compounds. Joint action appeared the best means of solving the problem. On 12 April 1926, at a conference in Portland, Canadian and American entomologists concluded that oil sprays seemed to offer the best alternative to the arsenicals. The agreement which was drawn up set the standard for future international agreements on fruit insects: MEMORANDUM OF UNDERSTANDING BETWEEN THE AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENT STATIONS OF CALIFORNIA, IDAHO, MONTANA, OREGON, WASHINGTON, AND UTAH, THE BUREAU OF ENTOMOLOGY, U.S.D.A., AND THE ENTOMOLOGICAL BRANCH OF THE CANADIAN DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. Objects The objects of this cooperation are to more rapidly advance our knowledge of oil sprays and their use in the control of fruit insects; to bring about the use of similar materials and

174 Insects of British Columbia methods in experimental oil spray work in order that results secured in one district may be compared with those secured in other regions; to broaden the knowledge of the individual worker by the exchange of ideas and brief annual reports on work accomplished; to establish mutual confidence and to avoid trespass in matters of credit. Procedure It is proposed that experimental work be conducted as opportunity permits by each of the cooperating units, in accordance with plans outlined by the cooperating group as a whole which shall be expected to contribute maximum benefit to local needs, while at the same time adding to the general progress of all. In order that results may be of the utmost scientific value, each cooperating unit shall, when possible, employ an entomologist, a chemist, and a plant pathologist. The application of sprays and the judging of their effects upon insects shall be done by entomologists, the selection of materials and the making of emulsions shall be made by or with the advice of chemists, and the effects of oil sprays upon the insect host plant judged by plant physiologists. From time to time, as conditions permit and the needs of the work require, conferences may be arranged for the discussion of results and the consideration of plans for future work. A free and full exchange of ideas and results by correspondence and personal visits when possible will be expected. Organization The cooperating group shall annually elect a chairman whose duty it shall be to arrange for the holding of conferences when necessary and to preside at such meetings. Specific Stipulations It is mutually agreed that: (a} Each cooperating unit shall include an oil spray project as an active part of its research program and shall provide funds necessary to accomplish a fair amount of work each year. As far as possible, the personnel in each unit should include an entomologist, a chemist, and a plant pathologist. The amount of work done in any one year shall be left to the discretion of the individual cooperator in accordance with his local conditions. (b) The materials and methods to be used and the insects to be included in cooperative oil spray work shall be decided upon by the group as a whole. Each cooperator in conducting cooperative oil spray research work shall use, as far as possible, the materials and methods decided upon by the group. It is definitely understood that such agreement shall in no way discourage additional original research with oil sprays by individual workers along lines other than those selected by the group for cooperative experimentation. (c) Each cooperating unit shall at an annual conference or by correspondence give to the other cooperators a brief summary of its results for the year upon the insects with which it

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The interior

has worked. Such information shall be treated as confidential, but may be used by any of the cooperating units in making recommendations to growers in their own districts. (d) Publications which may result from these investigations shall be under the authorship of the individual or individuals actually conducting the experiments reported, but in all cases due acknowledgement shall appear upon the title page, but when this is not appropriate a suitable form, such as acknowledgement in the body of the text or by foot-note, may be substituted. ( e) All the cooperating parties agree upon the desirability of free and full exchange of suggestions and advice, and of encouraging intimate contact by correspondence and by personal visits when possible. Occasional conferences, if needed, of all the cooperating workers concerned shall be held for the purpose of discussing results accomplished and the making of new plans for future work. (0 This memorandum shall become effective as of March 1, 1927, and shall remain operative until terminated or superceded by mutual agreement. It is understood that any of the contracting parties may withdraw from the cooperation, should it become necessary or desirable, by giving notice of such action in writing to each of the other cooperating units.

By 1928, another insect problem had developed in the Okanagan. The woolly apple aphid, Eriosoma lanigerum, had made its appearance some years earlier but by 1928 the infestations in orchards were too severe to be ignored. Peter Venables, with D.G. Gillespie and some part-time assistance from Ward, had endeavoured to keep abreast of all the fruit insects worrying the growers. The apple mealybug, Phenacoccusaceris, was also troublesome. A.D. Heriot was taken on in 1928 when Gillespie departed. Heriot had been educated in England and Germany, tried prairie farming, prospecting in British Columbia, joined the gold rush to the Yukon in 1898, and eventually became a fruit orchardist at Coldstream near Vernon. He had tried his hand at being a construction contractor and a greenhouse operator, and was a classical musician, a noted illustrator, and a student of international affairs. He was a self-trained entomologist, keenly interested in insect morphology, structure, and behaviour, and superbly qualified for the job at Vernon, despite his age. Buckell and Venables were convinced that if more were known of the woolly apple aphid itself, how it functioned, and what made it a pest species, there would be a better chance of devising a suitable control. Heriot could obtain for them the type of information they needed. The insects were pests in their own right because they damaged the fruit, but they were also linked with a serious disease of apple trees, the perennial canker. The plant pathologists insisted that the aphids carried the spores of the fungus Gloeosporiumperennanswhich caused the canker on the orchard trees. In fact, the

176 Insects of British Columbia fungus had been cited as being as great a menace to the apple-growing industry as the red rust of wheat was to prairie grain-growing. Given time, the disease could threaten with extinction the whole apple industry of the interior of Washington and British Columbia. The United States Department of Agriculture had already placed special workers to tackle this problem. In Canada the Dominion Plant Pathology Branch had stated that the perennial canker would wipe out certain varieties of apple trees. Since all evidence, real and circumstantial, pointed at the aphid, the entomologists had to find a control for this pest as soon as possible. In 1929, Buckell had his anti-aphid team all ready to go. Venables would do the biological studies, Dennys would conduct field tests with chemicals, and Heriot would be the 'lab man' and determine the physical relationships between the insect and the fungal pathogen. Thus began the functioning of a team of entomologists, a trio of Englishmen, that has been described as being 'the most colorful that Canadian entomology has known." 9 The team went to work and probably because of its unorthodox methods - they questioned everything, even what each was doing - strange results were forthcoming. It was shown that the aphid injury was being confused with fungus infection, and that many of the dire forebodings were not justified. So entrenched, however, were these fears that it required three years of sustained research to establish that tender varieties of apple trees, when fed upon by the woolly aphid, were subject to winter killing even without the aid of the fungus. Also, the plant pathologists admitted that the disease was confined to certain locations where susceptibility to winter injury made such varieties as Newton and Spitzenberg not only unsuitable but often unprofitable. 20 Alec Dennys was chiefly responsible for determining that perennial canker could only occur in certain tissues of the trees that had been pierced by the sucking stylets of the woolly apple aphid. The canker was the result of a host reaction to the piercing of the stylets and not due to the injection of spores, or a toxin, into the tree tissue. The Dominion Botanist, H.T. Gussow, took great exception to this theory and insisted that the aphid spread the fungal spores while feeding, by injecting them into the cambium layer of the bark. The conflict of ideas between the entomologists and the Dominion Botanist could have developed into a free-for-all, but Heriot stepped into the breach. He carefully measured the size of the spore and the diameter of the insect's feeding tube. Then he calmly announced that the latter was too small to permit entry of a spore. Therefore, the aphid could not transmit the spore, and was not the cause of the spread of the infestation 21 - QED! That, however, did not exonerate the aphid from causing damage to apple trees, because mechanical injury to plant tissue still occurred. Parasites (Aphelinus mali) of the aphid had been received in 1928 from the Dominion Parasite Laboratory at

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Belleville, Ontario, and released near Vernon. A year later Venables was able to report that he had found parasitized aphids at Coldstream. 22 This was a most encouraging sign, for now a start at long-range control had been made. Then the roof fell in! Great Britain, one of the best customers for British Columbia apples, was considering an embargo on the fruit because of the prevalence of perennial canker in British Columbia orchards. A letter to that effect was received by Giissow from George Pethybridge of the British Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, and he informed Buckell. The mere thought of an embargo was most distasteful to Giissow, and he was ready to push the panic button: I desire earnest consideration of the following proposal: The only safe method of control is very drastic, viz., the complete stamping out of every known case of Perennial canker by the destruction by fire of all infected trees throughout the infected area ... Unless British Columbia decides to take these drastic steps in eradicating this trouble, I doubt whether restrictions governing the importations of apples from the infested States can be recommended, and an Eastern embargo might become advisable.23

The Dominion Botanist apparently was not convinced by Heriot's demonstration that the aphid could not spread the spores, and he did not believe control of the aphids was becoming a reality, even though Venables had shown that the aphid parasite had become established in the Okanagan and Alec Dennys had achieved good control of the aphid pest with chemical sprays. Giissow was putting undue blame on the insects, and in his rattling haste he was recommending 'destruction by fire.' As a result of Giissow's letter, copies of which were also sent to the provincial authorities, a meeting was held in Victoria on I February 1930. In attendance were Eastham and Robertson of the provincial Department of Agriculture, and Buckell (Entomological Branch), Newton, and J.C. Roger (Plant Pathology Branch) of the Dominion Department of Agriculture. The problem was discussed in a calm and rational manner. The statement issued after the meeting emphasized that the disease was not a serious menace in the Okanagan, it would not be transmitted to Great Britain by the importation of boxed fruit, and there was no need for panic, haste, or publicity. The entomologists of the Vernon laboratory continued their efforts at biological

and chemical control. By 1933 the parasite had taken over, control of the woolly apple aphid was almost complete, and the aphid-canker problem disappeared. Buckell stated: In assessing the financial savings resulting from this major investigation, we cannot say that the industry valued at $50,000,000.00 was ever in serious danger other than from such

178 Insects of British Columbia abnormal climatic conditions as occurred in the winter of 1914-15. It is possible that our work may have been a factor in preventing an embargo by Great Britain against over a million boxes annually of sizes which are unmarketable in Canada. It is certain that complete control of the woolly aphis could have necessitated an annual additional cost in the fruit growing sections of the interior of over $100,000.00.2 4

When parasites had effectively reduced the aphid populations, and chemical control methods had been devised to cure or prevent the canker from spreading, it was time to write up all the scientific facts of investigational procedure and results. One final touch of irony: Buckell revealed We had definitely understood that this problem would be written up in co-operation with the plant pathologists and withheld all papers written to the subject. The unexpected publication of this work as a contribution from the Division of Botany, in which all workers on the subject in North America, except ourselves, were cited, came as a great surprise and disappointment to us, and made any contribution from the Entomological Branch unnecessary and impossible. 25

After having been proved wrong by Heriot about the aphids transferring spores, the publication of the results of the co-operative project was, perhaps, Gi.issow's way of getting in the last word! The battle against the woolly apple aphid and the perennial canker left little time for other insect problems. The tarnished plant bug, which had been around since 1922, had received a little attention from Peter Venables. However, when disproportionate numbers of peaches were physically damaged through malformation known as 'catfacing,' apparently by this plant bug, something had to be done. R.H. Painter, later of the Livestock Insect Laboratory at Lethbridge, had spent seven years investigating this bug in Ottawa, from 1925 to 1931. He had obtained a large amount of bionomic data, but no effective control had been developed. 26 In April 1927, Venables set up a temporary headquarters laboratory at Penticton. Here he studied the insect in its setting under orchard conditions. The woolly apple aphid interfered with the continuous study of the tarnished plant bug, but sufficient biological data were obtained to permit him to offer some advice to growers. Because the insect overwintered in available cover, and also fed on orchard cover crops, the infestation of peach orchards could be significantly reduced by clean cultivation. Of course, there was always the hope that some miracle insecticide would show up to do the job, but by 1937 no effective chemical control had been realized, and parasites of which there were four 27 - had not done any good. Also creating production problems for the fruit growers of the interior was the oystershell scale, Lepidosaphes ulmi. Most of the orchardists were very aware of the dreaded San Jose scale, but were not too concerned with this one, although it fre-

179 The interior quently injured young apple and pear seedlings, and reduced the fruit set. All three entomologists at Vernon, Venables, Dennys, and Heriot, became involved in the task of overcoming the damage caused by this insect. Life history studies had been initiated by Venables by 1929, and in 1930 chemical control experiments were conducted by Dennys and Heriot. It was painstaking work, because, as with all scale insects, the living insects are protected and stationary under a covering of wax. The insect cannot be seen under its shell, nor can poisonous chemicals reach it very rapidly. Yet by 1937 a surprising amount of information had been accumulated and control had been effected. One example will illustrate the detailed and meticulous observations made by this fabulous trio of orchard entmologists. They were trying to determine how the scale insect hatched and got out from under its waxy shell. One should imagine a scale, shaped like that of an oyster shell. The eggs at the blunt-end of the scale which are laid a month earlier than those at the pointed end, are the first to hatch. As these first nymphs leave the parent scale, space is provided for the next eggs to separate from the mass, and so on until all the nymphs have had room to struggle out of their envelopes and pass through the exit in orderly succession. It is quite another matter, however, if cold or wet weather intervenes at the period of hatching. At temperatures below 70 degrees F. the nymphs are so inactive that very few extricate themselves from the egg. If it is wet, the first hatched nymphs will not venture forth from beneath the parent scale. They may die or linger at the exit, or more often than not settle down and start their preliminary scale, thus completely blocking the exit and causing a congestion within the scale that is fatal to the rest of the family .28

Only by patience, perseverance, and dedication could observations like these have been made. Dennys tried a host of oil and lime-sulphur spray combinations before finding a reliable control method by using a dormant oil spray followed by the usual summer lime-sulphur sprays. To aid in the control of the oystershell scale, J.D. Tothill and R.C. Treherne had introduced the predacious mite Hemisarcoptes ma/us into the Vernon district in 1917. This was a predator that was very slow in becoming established, and even slower in spreading out from its release site. Wherever it occurred, the scale was suppressed, an encouraging sign to Venables and Heriot, who endeavoured to favour its dissemination whenever they could. The predator, aided by the weather and by man, had the scale under control, so that by the end of the 1930s few growers regarded it as a serious pest. The introduction of the 'good' predacious mite caused a further serious problem. There were several 'bad' species of mites that attacked fruit in the Okanagan; but in ridding the orchards of these the beneficial predatory species were also eliminated. Dash had listed 29 three species of eriophyd mites - the red mite, Tetranychus

180 Insects of British Columbia bimaculatus; the brown mite, Bryobia rubrioculus; and the pear leaf blister mite, Eriophyes pyri - as pests of the orchard. In 1931, the populations of the pear leaf

blister mite once more flared up and required attention. Buckell and Venables had worked with this insect prior to 1927 and had effected good control with lime-sulphur sprays. In Ontario the recommended ratio oflime to sulphur in a wash was 1 to 9. 30 This was too strong for their purposes; they feared it would damage the beneficial predatory mites, and so weaker solutions were tested. By 1934, with the help of Dennys and their laboratory assistant, B.C. LaBlond, Venables evolved a new and weaker mixture, in a ratio of 1 to 15, that gave good control of the pear leaf blister mite. 31 Dilutions of 1 to 40 were good enough to control the oystershell scale. Of course, other mites were causing trouble as well. In 1934, the European red mite, which had been present in small numbers for many years, suddenly became very numerous. Prunes and plum fruits were seriously affected in the Penticton and Kelowna areas. Venables and Heriot came to the rescue of the growers, scouted the area of infestation, and conducted control studies. 32 Widespread damage by this mite was expected in 1935, and again the next year. 33 With the help ofDennys, they recommended chemical control with lime-sulphur or dormant oil sprays, both giving good commercial control. The greatest menace to successful apple growing in British Columbia was a most persistent one, the codling moth. In chapters 7 and 9 we saw the past history of the insect: how it was kept out of the province in 1894----95,its discovery on Vancouver Island in 1904 and on the mainland in 1905, twenty years of attempts to eradicate it through provincial effort, and finally the declaration, in 1926, that it was now 'every grower for himself in controlling the pest. The chemical control used by the growers was usually an arsenical treatment and/or a lime-sulphur spray that also controlled most of the other insect pests and plant diseases. In 1916, Dominion Entomologist C.G. Hewitt had arranged for preliminary studies of the codling moth life history to be undertaken during that season. 34 However, facilities and staff were always very limited. Other pest insects were constantly appearing to prevent the inauguration oflong-term investigations. It wasn't until twenty years later that the entomologists at Vernon had an opportunity to examine the insect in a detailed manner. A conference dealing with the codling moth problem was held on 25 November 1936, at Kelowna, in the office of the District Agriculturist, Ben Hoy. Present were Buckell, Dennys, Heriot, and Hoy. They decided to initiate studies of the life history of the insect, to start from the beginning, to examine the insect, learn all about its life's proceedings, and then develop controls. In the spring of 1937 the Entomological Branch had decided to build a new laboratory building at Mission Flats on the western outskirts of Kamloops. G.A.

181 The interior Mail and his staff, who concerned themselves with insects affecting man and animals, were to move into the new building when it was completed. The quarters in the post office building in Kamloops would then become available for other federal governmental units. Buckell hoped to move his headquarters to Kamloops from Vernon and occupy the vacated space. Plans for studying the codling moth would be made by personnel from the 'new' Kamloops laboratory. However, 1937 found all the fruit insect investigators still at Vernon. Peter Venables was making life history studies and releasing parasites (Ascogaster carpocapsa) of the codling moth at various points in the Okanagan valley between Vernon and the United States border. 35 He also had time to conduct some experiments on red mite control at Summerland, and to determine the extent and degree of infestation of the alfalfa seed chalcid in alfalfa, clover, and peas. Alec Dennys, as was his lot, was involved in chemical sprays, especially combination sprays, for codling moth control. Heriot, the lab man, was engaged in laboratory studies of the biology of the codling moth. Because chemical control was directed towards the larvae, this stage of insect development was under intense scrutiny. Heriot determined the efficacy of poisoning the larvae, and found that their susceptibility to poisons was greatest during the 'spinning-up' stage, when the larvae were spinning their cocoons in which the pupae rested. 36 To the grower this meant spraying, spraying, and more spraying, in order to kill the succession of insects that plagued his orchards. In 1938, the increased incidence of the San Jose scale threatened the apple crop. In the autumn of that year, Venables found eleven new infestations in orchards in the South Okanagan, as well as the European fruit scale at Penticton, Kelowna, and Westbank. 37 H.F. Olds, of the Plant Protection Division, found the San Jose scale on pears and apples in the Cawston district in August 1938, and in the Osoyoos district in September. Old infestations at Spence's Bridge were still present on the trees, but none was on the fruit. However, some importing countries demanded fruit that was free of the San Jose scale, and therefore no certification could be granted for fruit from the infested districts of British Columbia. On I April 1937, the Dominion Department of Agriculture was re-organized into four services, each with a director. J.M. Swaine, formerly Chief of the Division of Forest Insects, was instructed by Dr. H. Barton, Deputy Minister of Agriculture, to examine the research program of the department and to assist in the re-organization. Swaine was appointed director of 'Science Service,' one of the four services. Entomology became one of the five 'divisions' of Science Service, with Arthur Gibson as its chief. The Division of Entomology was further subdivided into 'units,' according to the respective entomological disciplines, namely: Field Crop Insect Investigations Unit - H.G. Crawford, head; Systematic Entomology Unit - J. McDunnough, head; Forest Insect Investigations Unit - J.J. DeGryse, head. Other laboratories, in which personnel were investigating insects attacking fruit, or insects affecting man and

182 Insects of British Columbia animals, or rearing parasites of insects, came under the direct jurisdiction of the chief, Arthur Gibson. Further re-organizations were made in 1938. In the interior of British Columbia the federal entomologists were located at Vernon and Kamloops. Those at Kamloops had been working in makeshift residences and rented quarters, with facilities entirely inadequate for a study of insects that affected man and animals. In the fall of 1938 they moved into new facilities on a 32-acre site at Mission Flats, with G.A. Mail officer-in-charge, at the new Livestock Insect Laboratory. At Vernon the two groups of entomologists, those working with field crop and rangeland insects and those working with fruit insects, could now be separated. Buckell was transferred to Kamloops where he established the new Field Crop Insect Laboratory in the post office quarters vacated by G.A. Mail and his staff. The orchard entomologists stayed in Vernon and formed a new field station of the newly formed Fruit Insect Investigations Unit. W.A. Ross, of Vineland, Ontario, was appointed to head the new unit. Buckell, officer-in-charge at Vernon, departed for Kamloops leaving Venables, Dennys, and Heriot, plus the summer assistants, without an administrative head. The whole fruit industry was in a serious and precarious state. Growers were becoming aware that all was not well in the fruit-growing industry. Markets were being lost because of insect-infested orchards and insect-infested fruit. The orchards themselves were being treated with successive doses of poisonous sprays, primarily the arsenicals. Poison residues were becoming excessive as soil contaminants, and were beginning to affect plant growth. Also, high arsenic residues on fruit caught the attention of the United States Food and Drug Administration. The amount of arsenic on the apples exceeded the allowable tolerance levels. British Columbia fruit was no longer acceptable in the United States, and was highly suspect on other world markets. The time had come for entomologists to regroup, to reassign priorities, and to launch an aggressive research program. Entomology seemed to be the discipline that could save the orchards, provided strong leadership was close at hand. W.A. Ross knew exactly where to go to get that leadership. He picked up the phone, in Ottawa, and placed a long distance call to Wenatchee, Washington. The frugal times of 1938 demanded that long-distance telephone calls be used sparingly, and only when the situation was urgent. It was. Ross said, 'Is that you, Jimmy?' 'It is,' a voice answered. 'The BC fruit industry is in a hell of a mess,' said Ross. 'Come on home.' 'I'll have to speak to my wife,' replied Jimmy. 'I'll call you back.' This display of brevity was to be expected, particularly with a Scot at each end of the line. When Jimmy asked his American wife, 'How would you like to be a Canadian?' she replied, 'When do we start?'

183 The interior Minutes later the phone rang in Ottawa; Ross answered the call. A voice said, 'Mr. Ross, you're on,' and the line went dead.38 On I December 1938, Dr James Marshall reported for duty as officer-in-charge of the Fruit Insect Laboratory at Vernon. The destiny of Canadian orchard entomology, and the fate of the fruit-growing industry of British Columbia, Jay in his hands.

12

Indian orchards

A 1927 report of the Indian Orchard Inspector surveyed briefly the history of the Indian orchards in British Columbia: From very early times, dating from the advent of the whites into the province of British Columbia, the Indians of those parts have had a desire to raise their own fruits, especially apples, pears and plums. Noting the success of the early Hudson's Bay adventures with these fruits, it was not long before Indians in the vicinity of the H.B. posts began to plant a few trees, secured from the factors and the traders of the company. Later, the Roman Catholic priests supplied their flocks with a few trees, but seemingly, these early horticulturists either did not give any instructions in the planting or the after care of the trees, or else their instructions were not carried out. Hence, one finds very old orchards with trees planted so close together as to give the impression that crowding was an essential, with no signs of later care in the way of pruning. Regarding pests and diseases, these early orchards were free. Thus control measures were unnecessary, nor could there have been any instructions given along these lines. I say that these orchards were clear, for I can well remember that fruits of the kinds mentioned were, even in my time, quite free from all insect pests and diseases. Also, I can remember well the first appearances of anthracnose, aphids, borers, oyster-shell scale and pear slugs. And this was long after the planting of the first trees in the province. So, the old orchardists simply planted their trees, took very ordinary care in pruning and cultivation and raised splendid crops of absolutely perfect fruit. With the advent of the aforementioned pests, whites and Indians alike were at a loss what to do. Trees which up to then had borne well, with every sign of health, began to assume a decrepit appearance, with a lessening of yield and much malformed fruit. This caused an apathy and finally a neglect of the trees, until, when the time came for the authorities to instruct growers in the care of orchards under these new conditions, many of the older plantings had been allowed to get into such a state of disrepair that the axe seemed to be the only remedy. Added to this, scattered seeds of apples, pears, plums, and cherries began to grow up promiscuously wherever these trees had

185 Indian orchards been planted. These were invariably much less attacked by foes than the high grade parents. On this account these were welcomed on the Indian Reserves and were often allowed to grow into thickets so that one may find today, many forms of damsons, etc., in the vicinity of these old orchards, some of these of fine flavour but of small size.'

Fruit growing under these conditions could only lead to further deterioration of orchards and an increase in insect pests. Something had to be done to prevent the continued degeneration. Hewitt, the Dominion Entomologist, remarked: Some of the fruit growers in that province [British Columbia) made complaints that the Indians were keeping their orchards in a dirty condition, that is in regard to insect pests ... As you may imagine, they knew nothing of the methods of control, they did not spray their orchards, they simply allowed the_mto grow rank and wild, and no doubt they were a source of danger as breeding grounds for all pests, and it was very very hard on the white man ... near the Indian reserve, to have these pests carried over on his orchard which he did his best to keep clean. 2

In order to rectify the situation, not only to clean the orchards but, also, more important, to develop Indian horticulture, the federal government took action. In 1906 the Department of Indian Affairs made a small appropriation 'for cleansing Indian orchards,' to be expended under the direction of the Dominion Entomologist, thus permitting the appointment of an 'Inspector of Indian Orchards.' Frank Pedley, Deputy Minister of Indian Affairs, had requested James Fletcher to hire a good man to oversee the spraying, pruning, and cleansing work. Tom Wilson was an exceedingly knowledgeable and capable 'ecologist,' who came to Canada from his native Scotland in 1886. He had studied horticulture and forestry, and after a stint as foreman at the Royal Botanical Gardens in Edinburgh, and as a superintendent of tea plantations in India and Burma, he came to seek his fortune in Canada. He worked on the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway, and literally 'walked into British Columbia before the railway was completed.' 3 During the period of railroading, he was taking note of all phases of natural history. He collected insects for James Fletcher, but there was little of birds, mammals, or plants, as well as insects, that he did not know. His appointment, in 1900, by the Dominion government as superintendent of fumigation at Vancouver meant work from September to May: nursery stock shipments occurred during the fall and early spring. Hence, he had time to do other work in the summer. In 1906 the Inspectorship of Indian Orchards was added to his duties. He would now visit all the Indian reserves, instructing the Indians on how to keep the orchards in a clean state of cultivation so that insects would not breed there, but, if they were present, how to spray their orchards. Fruit growing was assuming

186 Insects of British Columbia increased importance in the province, and the provincial Department of Agriculture was devoting correspondingly increased attention to the control and prevention of fruit pests. Because 'many of the Indian Reserves are in the proximity of the orchards of the settlers, the necessity of assisting the Indians so to cultivate their orchards as to prevent them from being an offence, is evident.' 4 When Fletcher agreed to take over the work for Indian Affairs, he knew that many difficulties faced Tom Wilson. Easy living was still to be had by the Indians from hunting and fishing, and from fairly good wages paid by employers off the reservations. This, undoubtedly, was the cause of much of the slowness in developing horticulture. Nevertheless, Fletcher had confidence in Wilson, a recognized field-naturalist. Wilson's work, however, was more than just entomology. He was made responsible for the inspection and cleansing of all Indian orchards in British Columbia. This was a job that took him the length and breadth of the province by rail, car, horse, canoe, and, more often than not, on foot. The department bought spray pumps for use by the Indians, and by 1910 several were stationed at strategic points in the province: Chilliwack Langley Nanaimo Duncans Saanich Alberni

-

one mounted on a light wagon one on wheels mounted on barrel mounted on barrel mounted on barrel mounted on wheels 5

As more and more orchards were cleaned up, new ones planted, and more reserves initiated their agricultural pursuits by growing fruit, the demand for spraying equipment increased proportionately. By the end of 1913, eight years after the commencement of the program, 21 spray pumps were located at the following points: 2

1

I 1

I I

I I 1

at at at at at at at at at

Chilliwack Katsee Scowlitz St. Elmo Spulamacheen Penticton Spallumcheen Kootenay Alberni

2 2

I I 1 1

I

1 I

at Saanich at Nanaimo at St. Mary's Mission at Ohamiel at Sechelt at Duncan at Larkin at the repair shop at North Vancouver 6

187 Indian orchards At the outset Tom Wilson found the orchards in very poor condition. Old and useless non-productive trees were left standing or lying where they had fallen. Weeds and shrubs grew profusely among them and provided admirable cover for a large number of insect pests. Of greatest importance, and most widely distributed were the tent caterpillars. These were particularly numerous in 1909, and threatened to wreak havoc everywhere. The infestation extended from the mouth of the Fraser to Chilliwack on the mainland, and from Victoria to Cowichan on Vancouver Island. It was necessary to fight by whatever means were available. I sprayed the orchards when practicable with arsenate of lead, and in other cases I had the Indians burn the nests of the caterpillars ... Complaints coming in from the city of Victoria that the tent caterpillars having their origin in the [Songhees] Indian reserve were invading the city, I went down and supplied the Indians with kerosene oil and torches, and burnt the nests. This had the effect of stopping the pest in the meantime, but there remains a good deal of brush in the reserve, which is a breeding place for pests of different kinds. 7

Many, if not most, of the Indians depended on Tom Wilson to spray their trees. He did this for the first three or four years until, by example, and by talking and demonstrating control principles to the young folk and school children, he got them to begin to help themselves. He would leave some coal oil with the Indian bands and they would burn the nests of the caterpillars, as well as the brush and the debris. Tent caterpillar control required exact timing. When Tom Wilson started his Indian orchard work on I May 1910, and began to _visitthe various reserves, he found that these insects had been there before him. They had broken out earlier than usual and ... in the Fraser Valley the forests had been almost defoliated, as also the orchards, where no efforts had been made to combat the pest ... Around Chilliwack the Indians are beginning to realize the fact that it will pay them to give more attention to their orchards, so that when the caterpillars broke out in May there was a good deal of rivalry among them as to who should have the sprayer, and I am glad to say that we 8 managed to save most of the orchards, either by spraying or by burning the clusters.

In 19u, Wilson reported: 'In the Chilliwack district most of the Indians now can recognize the winter egg clusters of the caterpillars, and usually cut them off.'9 In 1912 the tent caterpillars were found in few orchards except in districts adjacent to the international boundary and in parts of the Fraser delta. Here, 'these were again very destructive. The "worms" were simply swarming over fences, and where doors or windows were open would enter dwelling and other buildings." 0 However, from 1912 on, the tent caterpillar seemed to offer no further threat to the Indian orchards. This, in large measure, was due to Wilson's excellent educational campaign and control demonstrations.

188 Insects of British Columbia

Aphids were also of concern in most orchards: the 1909 season was one of the worst ever. Green, black, and woolly aphids were each equally destructive, and all required extensive spraying. 11 In the dry interior of the province, at Lytton and Kamloops, aphids were the only pests to make an appearance. Very little difficulty was encountered in controlling the outbreaks of these pests once the program of judicious spraying had been introduced. The same held true for the cherry and pear slugs, the fall webworm, and the scale insects. The orchard clean-up, removal of debris, and timely spraying soon held these pests in check. In fact some of the Indians had so improved their fruit-growing enterprises by 1912, as a result of Tom Wilson's untiring efforts, that they began to compete with the European settlers in the commercial market. Wilson remarked, 'One Indian of my acquaintance sold 400 boxes of apples in Merrit; next year he intends to have his name on his boxes the same as the law demands from white growers.m Insects that were perennially bothersome in the Indian orchards were the budmoths, case bearers, and several species of leaf rollers. These damaged the prunes, cherries, and pears but were usually halted by the use of arsenical sprays. Although Tom Wilson applied himself to orchard work, he could not help but notice insect damage elsewhere. Often garden pests were brought to his attention as was the case of root maggots. These attacked the cabbages and turnips but were 'difficult to fight on Indian lands, as the owners do not care to go to the trouble of using the tarred paper discs" 3 to protect the plants, as a physical barrier to attack. Cutworms 'of different kinds [were] cutting off such crops as cabbages, peas, spinach and onions, and [he] was told that they had been equally destructive for over twelve years," 4 i.e. since 1900. Inevitably, Wilson encountered new pests of agricultural crops. In 1914 he had to deal with a very remarkable infestation of the larva of that beautiful noctuid moth, Plusia ca/ifornica. It appeared by thousands, in different parts of the province, and, although it did little or no damage to fruit trees, it devastated such ground crops as beans, cabbage, lettuce, and others. Several Indians in the Lytton agency, whose main crop is beans, lost heavily. A spray pump, with a supply of arsenate of lead was sent, but too late ... Some parts of the Okaganan country also suffered. Clover was damaged to a certain extent, but this could not be sprayed with the arsenate of lead, as there is a prejudice against it. ' 5

This plague of worms lasted only one year and no further recurrence was experienced. What had started out, in 1906, as a program of eradication of pests in the Indian orchards soon became much more comprehensive and included the whole subject of fruit growing. Spraying became only one facet of the program, for Tom Wilson was

189 Indian orchards

soon demonstrating the arts of pruning, cultivating, tree planting, and irrigation, and the picking, boxing, sorting, and marketing of fruit. He visited many schools and gave lectures on insect identification and methods of orchard cultivation. By 1911 his duties had expanded so much that a larger appropriation of money was voted for the work on Indian orchards by the Department of Indian Affairs. This enabled the Dominion Entomologist to hire Tom Wilson as a full-time inspector, instead of from May to September only. Because of the 'wider character of the work, than it possessed originally," 6 Tom Wilson was now raising the calibre of orcharding to a level equal, in many areas, to that of other settlers. Progress of this type was gratifying and C.G. Hewitt remarked: 'The extension of orcharding among the Indians in a province so well adapted for fruit growing, and the training of the young people in horticulture in schools, are undoubtedly the most important features of the work with which we are happy to be connected, as they are looking towards the future.' 17 But the future was destined to be unhappy. On 6 March 1917, Tom Wilson met his death in the tragic fire that consumed the Coquihalla Hotel in Hope, British Columbia, and its occupants. With his death the Indian orchard work in British Columbia was momentarily halted. Later in 1917 C.G. Hewitt appointed Walter B. Anderson as the Indian Orchard Supervisor. He continued as the officer in immediate charge of the work until 1933, when he retired. Anderson continued along the lines Wilson had started and accomplished much in the face of tremendous difficulties. When he took over in 1917 he found that much preliminary work had been done. Young trees had been planted; pruning, more or less skillfully, was practised in many places and the rudiments of spraying had been taught. This made his work much more amenable and easier than Wilson's had been. Because entomology was not the sole purpose of the work, but rather one facet of a general agricultural and horticultural program, progress was hard to define. Often a change in leadership of band councils would increase orchard productivity by enforcing greater co-operation. During the winter months, and at every other opportune moment, the reserves were visited and talks were given on fruit growing. More and better spray machines were purchased for use in the Indian orchards, while operators were taught the preparation of a standard spray mixture. Anderson summed it up in 1927 by saying: Regarding the sale of fruit by the Indians today, the last 5 years have seen a material increase. Certain Indians of the dry Interior have learned to properly grade and pack their apples, and a good many individuals sell several hundred dollars worth annually. These men fully realize the value of spraying in order to produce clean, saleable fruit. A number have lately taken to growing grapes, and I have been instructing them in the methods of pruning

190 Insects of British Columbia the vines. More interest is yearly being taken in grafting, and always an object of pride is a worthless tree which has been successfully worked to a good variety by the owner. Two widely different climates are met with in the province. The dry interior, with its cold winters, where summer irrigation is absolutely necessary and the wet coastal area, with mild winters where irrigation is unnecessary. In the interior, large areas of excellent Indian lands are still unused for agricultural purposes, owing to the lack of water, this in a great many cases having been diverted by white settlers to the detriment of the lands. Hence, the unjust criticism so often heard that the Indians will not put their lands to use. In order to become self-supporting, many of these Indians must have their water supplies augmented wherever possible. On the coast, water is not needed for irrigation, but in most cases the cost of clearing land is so excessive that the Indians generally prefer to accept remunerative work from the whites, of which there are many more opportunities there than in the interior. However, some Indians of this region have successfully gone into small fruit-growing, two men in particular on the Saanich peninsula growing large quantities of strawberries which they market through the district fruit association. In time, as the present sources of remunerative labour decline, more land must be cultivated by these coast tribes, especially those of the southern portion of Vancouver island. Meanwhile, satisfactory results are being obtained. Progress is necessarily slow, owing to many causes which I cannot take time to explain now, but I am happy to say that yearly, more instruction is being sought by Indians. The same is true of agriculture, which I am often called upon to teach as well as orchardry. In the case of the codling moth, co-operation with the provincial authorities has been found necessary, arrangements being made for the spraying of orchards on Indian lands contiguous to codling moth outbreaks, the Indian Department bearing the cost of the work. Lecanium scale was absolutely controlled in the north Vancouver cherry orchards by a strong dormant spray of lime-sulphur. An outbreak of bark canker at Spuzzum was completely killed by the application of a thick whitewash of lime well-blued with copper sulphate ... In 1926, a severe infestation of bean fields by the Striped June beetle, Polyphy/la decemlineata, at Lillooet was completely checked in 1927 by a liberal application of crude naphthaline flakes in the drills at time of sowing. In many cases, control measures must be undertaken without any opportunity of conferring with other officers or of being able to procure recognized materials. 18

With the retirement of Anderson in 1933, the Indian orchard work was taken over by the Indian agricultural agent at Victoria, and the Entomological Branch of the Dominion Department of Agriculture ceased to have any direct contact with the work. During the years the work was supervised by the Dominion Entomologist, a total of $87,000 was provided by the Department of Indian Affairs. From 1906 to 1910 the appropriations were small, but from 191l to 1934 they averaged $3775 a year.

PART IV: INSECTS OF THE PRAIRIES

GRASSHOP INSASKATCHEWAN 1933

1933

RASSHOPPERS are expected to appear in large numbers in many parts of Saskatchewan during 1933. See grasshopper map posted elsewhere. WATCH CAREFULLY all areas where the adults were numerous last autumn; these include stubble fields, roadsides, weedy fields, drift soil and pastures. The first hoppers usually hatch early in May, but dry weather may considerably delay the main hatch.

G

Start Control Operations asSoon astheLand Thaws Ou Destroy eggs by early, shallow tillage of infested stubble fields and drift soil. Otherwise it is unsafe to sow such fields. ATTACK YOUNG GRASSHOPPERS AS SOON AS THEY BECOME ABUNDANT or begin to invade grain fields:[AJ Spnad Straw amoac th-• bllftl It at nlcbt. [BJ Destroy them with poisoned bait. PREVENT GRASSHOPPERS MOVING FROM FALLOW TO CROP1 by ploughing summer-fallow around outside edge first; as unploughed strips become narrow spread poisoned bait there promptly.

How to Spread Ba"lt the It 1 :::.:t~tmDO~~Tt J~EJ.r•l1~·wh~!~~::·bu!!i:;·b::k ~pb:~d~h~ h~~=; ::t~~:~:p::::c~no:~ c~-:.!t Success

TURE IS BELOW 68° in be put out.

POOR KILL.

or failure in applying the bait depend•

largely upon the condition of

the weather. GRASSHOPPERS DO NOT FEED READILY ON COLD OR CLOUDY DAYS. The,efo,e DO NOT SPREAD BAIT WHEN THE TEMPERAshade, when the sky is overcast, or the dew ia still on the grass. is VERY IMPORTANT to scatter

If bait is put out before that

time it becomes dry and stale before the hoppers are ready to eat it, thus resultina: in a

Scatter the bait thinly ao that 20 pounds covers an acre. No man can spread, efficiently, more than 300 pounds of bait dwina: the rfaht time of day for applying it. Complete success can only be assured if every man does his duty by destroying the hoppers on his own property and surroundins roadsides. REPORT OUTBREAKS PROMPTLY to your nearest municipal o~cial.

FOR DIRECTION AND ADVICE THE DOMINION ENTOMOLOGICAL LABORATORY SASKATOON, SASK. 0,

THE ENTOMOLOGICAL BRANCH Division of Field Crop and Garden Insects lnc-p,,ratlonwlth

The SASKATCHEWAN DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE

THE FIELD CROPS COMMISSIONER, Department

REGINA,

of Agriculture,

SASKATCHEWAN

N.8,-This

PUBLISHED BY DIRECTION OF

THE HONOURABLE ROBERT WEIR, Minister of Agriculture, Ottawa, February, 1933.

Poater is to be exhibited in Post Office Lobbies by order of the Postmaster

Poster for 1933 Saskatchewan grasshopper campaign

General,

Car-mounted spreader powered by a chain drive from a sprocket on the rear axle

Mechanical bait-spre ader adapted from an automobile rear end

J. Blacklock

L.G. Putnam sifting soil to determine the number of grasshopper eggs laid in stubble fields

addressing farmers at a grasshopper control meeting

Prepared grasshopper bait being hauled by wagon from a bait-mixing station operating

Hand spreading of poisoned bait using a paddle

in a coal shed

Wagon-mounted mechanical bait-spreader powered by a stationary engine

Truck-mounted spreader powered by a chain drive from the truck's rear wheel

Bottle on a fence post dispensing poisoned solution via a wick for the control of the moths of the pale western cutworm in

Screen used to remove large bits of debris from sawdust

Alberta, 1921

Barrels of sodium arsenite with one on rocker bars for easy pouring

Mechanical bait mixer for mixing sawdust and poison

I i.

, ••

J.!t•

f

,to-... A home-made hopper-dozer

used near

Alfred R . Taylor breaking virgin sod at Truax, Saskatchewan, in I 905 with oxen

Assiniboia, Saskatchewan , in 1920

and horses , revealing the presence of native wireworms

Harvesting severely infested wheat

A field of wheat severely damaged by the

damaged by the wheat stem sawfly and

pale western cutworm at Saskatoon, 1934

salvaged only by using the header and barge, Swift Current, Saskatchewan,

1932

G.F . Manson

Dr R .D . Bird

Staff of the Dominion Entomological Laboratory, Saskatoon, 1936: Back row: A.P. Amason , V.L. Berg, W .B. Fox , H .A. McMahon , H. Williamson, J.W . Boyes Front row: A.H . Sparrow, R . Glen, H . McDonald , R. Goorevitch, C.R . Douglas, L.C . Paul , K .M. King

Dr L.G. Saunders

J .G. Rempel

Dr R.H. Handford

C.W. Farstad

K.M. King

A.E. Cameron

A.V. Mitchener

H.L. Seamans

., 'Tl ~ ~ ., - ... .,"' (/)

442

440

()

::r n,

.,::,:,; 3., o' ...,

:;; w w

I 4¥

439

()

BAffiEFORO

II

411

'O 0

I 382

.....II

410

/ 381

409

I 380 )

379

MAPSHOWING

429

428

427

399

398

397

AREAS ANDINTENSITY OFGRASSHOPPER OUTBREAKS EXPECTED IN SASKATCHEWAN IN 1933

368 1367 LEGEND

~ ~ ~

Severeoutbruksexpected, .. Moderate outbreaks expected ....

0 'O 'O

llgt,torpatchyoutbreaksupecteer Settlement 189~0 12 M.A. Ormsby British Columbia, A History (Toronto 1958) 60 13 Ibid 99 14 Henry Youle Hind Canadian Red Rii>er Expedition 1857 (London 1860; rpt Edmonton 1971) 96,, 101-2 15 Ibid 306-7 16 Ibid 312 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

Ibid 314, 317, 409, 432 Ibid 391-2 Palliser Journals 54 J.J. Hargreave Red Rii>er (Montreal 1871) 176, 337, 349-50 Ibid 389; Dawson Report 307 Hargreave Red River 399 Ibid 418-19; Dawson Report 307 Mae Atwood In Rupert's /,and (Toronto 1970) 86 Dawson Report 307-8 Glenbow-Alberta Institute, Nevitt Papers, letter from R.B. Nevitt to E.E. Beaty dated at Fort McLeod, 27 July 1875 J. Macoun in First Annual Report. of the U.S. Entomological Commission for the Year 1877 Relating to the Rocky Mountain Locust (Washington, DC 1877) 146 C.J.S. Bethune 'The Western Locusts' Ann. Rcpt. Ent. Soc. Ont. 6 (1875) 51 J.G. Kittson in First Annual Report ... Rocky Mountain l,ocust 145-6 A. Lintner Ann. Rcpt. Ent. Soc. Ont. IO (1879) 16-17 F.H. Epp Mennonites in Canada 1786-1920 (Toronto 1974) 201, 216 Morton Under Western Skies 144 Can: Agr Information for Emigrants (1878) 24 Ibid 36 Can: Agr Information for Emigrants (1875) 39-40 Dawson Report 308-10 Ormsby British Columbia 238, 239 CHAPTER

3 Collectors and naturalists

I J.A. Moffat 'A Talk about Entomology' Ann. Rcpt. Ent. Soc. Ont. 33 (1902) 123 2 W. Kirby 'Richardson's Fauna Boreali-Americana' Can. Ent. 2 (1870) 89~3 3 W.A. Reeks 'Early Collectors and Collections of Insects in Manitoba' Proc. Ent. Soc. Man. 15 (1959) 48-54 4 R. Bell in Geological and Natural History Survey of Canada (Geological Survey) Report of Progress (1879-80) 7oc,4c

330 Notes to pp. 43-60 5 R. Bell in Geological Survey Report of Progress (1880-2) pt C 29-39 6 J.B. Tyrrell in Geological Survey Annual Report (1886) Appendix II 167-8 7 W.S.M. D'Urban 'Catalogue of Coleoptera Collected by George Barnston, Esq., of the Hon. Hudson's Bay Company, in Hudson's Bay Territories' Canadian Naturalist and Geologist 5 (1860) 227-9 8 M.H. Hatch ,,j Century of Entomology in the Pacific North West (Seattle 1949) 3; J.L. LeConte Annual Magazine of Natural History 6 (1870) 394-404

9 J.L. LeConte Annual Magazine of Natural History 4 (1869) 369-85 Io J.L. LeConte in Geological Survey Report of Progress 1875-76 (1877) Appendix III 122-4 I I S.H. Scudder 'List of Orthoptera Collected on a Trip from Assiniboia to Cumberland' Canadian Naturalist and Geologist 7 ( I 862) 28 3-8 12 G.W. Taylor 'Notes on the Entomology of Vancouver Island' Can. Ent. 16 (1884) 62 13 E.P. Venables 'Fifty Years of Entomology in the Interior of British Columbia' Proc. Ent. Soc. R.C. 48 (1952) 21 14 H.F. Wickham 'A Month on Vancouver Island' Can. Ent. 22 (1890) 169-72 15 W.H. Danby and C. deB. Green 'Report on the Entomology of British Columbia' Natural History Society of B. C. Bulletin No. I ( l 893) 11-18 16 G.J. Spencer 'Obituary: Mrs M.E. (Hippesley) Clark' Proc. Ent. Soc. B.C. 60 (1963) 53-4 17 James Fletcher PAC RG 17 vol 2341, 148, J. Fletcher Letterbook 1896 18 F.H. Wolley-Dod 'The Heath Collection of Lepidoptera' Can. Ent. 48 (1916) 1611 19 R.S. Sherman 'In Memoriam: Captain R.V. Harvey' Proc. Ent. Soc. R.C. 8 (1916) 29-30 20 J. McDunnough ed., Obituary of Ernest Henry Blackmore Can. Ent. 61.9 (1929) 218 21 W. Downes 'In Memoriam: George 0. Day, FES' Proc. Ent. Soc. R.C 40 (1943) 34-5 22 T.K. Moilliet 'In Memoriam: Theodore Albert Moilliet, 1883-1935' Proc. Ent. Soc. B.C. 43 (1947) 43-5 23 G.J. Spencer 'In Memoriam: James Rushton John Llewellyn-Jones, 1894-1954' Proc. Ent. Soc. B.C 52 (1956) 47 24 G.C. Carl 'George Austin Hardy (1888-1966)' J. Ent. Soc. B.C. 63 (1966) 44 25 R.D. Bird 'Obituary: John Braithwaite Wallis, 1877-1961' Proc. Ent. Soc. Man. 17 (1961) 5-6 26 Faculty of Agriculture and Home Economics, University of Manitoba 10th Annual Progress Report on Agricultural Research and Experiments (1963) 53 CHAPTER

4 James Fletcher, Dominion Entomologist

I J. Fletcher Can: Agr 1884 (1885) 393 2 Ibid 245

331 Notes to pp. 6o-J6 3 Ibid 246 4 Man: Agr (1883) II0-II 5 Man: Agr (1881) 48 6 Man: Agr (1880) 45, Man: Agr (1881) 79 7 Fletcher Can: Agr ,885 (1886) 360 8 N. Criddle, Obituary of Hugh McKellar Can. Ent. 61 (1929) 288 9

J. Fletcher

Can: Agr ,885 (1886) 362 Ibid 26910, 274 11 J. Fletcher Ex Fm (1888) 4717 I 2 J. Fletcher Ex Fm ( I 890) 166 IO

13 Ibid 177 14 J. Fletcher Ex Fm (1891) 202 15

J. Fletcher J. Fletcher J. Fletcher J. Fletcher

Ex Fm (1893) 160

Ex Fm (1892) 17 Ex Fm (1896) 18 Ex Fm (1898) 19 C.V. Riley First Report of 16

155 and Ex Fm (1893) 173 229 and Ex Fm (1897) 190 180-2 the U.S. Entomological Commission (1878)

20 H. McKellar Man: Agr (1899) 355 21 Ibid 22 H. McKellar Man: Agr (1900) 249 23

J. Fletcher

Ex Fm (1900) 206

24 A. Criddle Criddle-de-diddlc-ensis

(Winnipeg 1973)

25 Ibid 229 26 J. Fletcher Ex Fm (1901) 220 27 Ibid 221 28 29

J. Fletcher J. Fletcher

Ex Fm (1900) 207 Ex Fm ( I 90 I) 226

30 Ibid 228 31 H. McKellar Man: Agr (1902) 291 32

J. Fletcher

Ex Fm (1902) 186

33 H. McKellar Man: Agr (1902) 292 34 N. Criddle Ex Fm (1901) 227 35 J. Fletcher Report to Select Committee on Agriculture (1901) 4 36 J. Fletcher 37 J. Fletcher 38 PAC RG 17 Letterbook

Ex Fm (1900) 221 Ex Fm (1901) 226 1 vol 2342, Department of Agriculture, Dominion Entomologist and Botanist, (1896) 442 39 PAC RG 17 vol 2342 (1897) 664 40 PAC RG 17 vol 2342 (1898) 479 41 Statutes of Canada. !898. Orders in Council vol I, xvii

332 Notes to pp. 76--1)0 42

J. Fletcher

Ex Fm (1900) 231

43

J. Fletcher

Ex Fm (1901) 232

44 Ibid 245 45 J. Fletcher Ex Fm (1908) 203 46 C.G. Hewitt 'Applied Entomology in Canada: Its Rise and Progress' Ann. Rcpt. Ent.

Soc. Ont. 45 (1915) 32 47 48 49

J. Fletcher Report to Select Committee 5 J. Fletcher Ex Fm (1906) 71 BR! J. Fletcher, typewritten notes (1908) CHAPTER 5 The North-West (Canada) Entomological Society

I PAC RG 17 vol 2346, Department of Agriculture, Dominion l!ntomologist and Botanist,

Letter book ( I 899) 3 50 2 Ibid 431

3 P.B. Gregson 'The North-west (Canada) Entomological Society, Annual Meeting, President's Address, and Noticeable Insects of 1901 in Alberta,' Ann. Rcpt. Ent. Soc. Ont. 32 (1901) 117 4 P.B. Gregson, 'Address of the President of N.W. Entomological Society,' Ann. Rcpt. Ent. Soc. Ont. 30 (1899) I 14-15 5 P.B. Gregson 'The North-West (Canada) Entomological Society; the Principal Injuri-

ous Insects of the North-west for 1900' Ann. Rcpt. Ent. Soc. Ont. 31 (1900) 107 6 P.B. Gregson 'Entomological Society ... Insects of 1901' 120 7 P.B. Gregson 'The North-West (Canada) Entomological Society' Ann. Rcpt. Ent. Soc.

Ont. 33 (1902) 125 CHAPTER 6 Western expansion: Hewitt, Criddle, and Strickland r House of Commons Debates 1909- 10 vol I, 209 2 J. Fletcher Ex Fm (1908) 201 3 C.G. Hewitt Can: Agr Bulletin No. 4 (1912) 4 House of Commons Debates 1909-10 vol r, 209 5 C.G. Hewitt Can: Agr Bulletin No. 12, 2nd Series (1912)

6 A.B. Baird Enc. News. 33.9 (1955) 2 7 R.C. Treherne 'A Review of Applied Entomology in British Columbia' Proc. Ent. Soc. B.C 4 (1914) 70 8 C.G. Hewitt Ex Fm (1914) 510 9 R.D. Bird Ent. News. 33.8 (1955) 3 ro A. Criddle Criddlc-dc-diddlc-cnsis (Winnipeg 1973) 233 r I BR! Official Correspondence

333 Notes to pp.

91-107

12 Ibid 13 S. Criddle Ent. News. 35.3 (1957) 2 14 C.G. Hewitt 'Progress of Entomology in Canada during 1915' Ann. Rcpt. Ent. Soc. Ont. 46 (1916) 122 15 J. Fletcher Ex Fm (1904) 163-215 16 C.G. Hewitt Ex Fm (1912) 177 17 L.A. Jacobson 'The Pale Western Cutworm, Agrotis orthogonia Morrison (Lepidoptera: Noctuidae); A Review of Research' Quacstioncs cntomologicac 7.4 (1971) 415 18 C.G. Hewitt Ex Fm (1914) 506 19 LRS Official Correspondence 20 C.W. Farstad Ent. News. 30.10 (1952) 2 2 I LRS Official Correspondence 22 Ibid 23 Ibid 24 C.G. Hewitt Ex Fm (1914) 507 25 N.D. Holmes 'Professional Entomology in Alberta 1913-63' Proc. Ent. Soc. /Illa. 11 (1963) 2-7 26 E.H. Strickland Leth bridge (1915) CHAPTER

1

2 3 4 5 6 7

8 9 10 II

12 13 14 15 16

7 British Columbia entomology

R.C. Treherne 'A Review of Applied Entomology in British Columbia' Proc. Ent. Soc. R.C 4 (1914) 68-